Friday, 17 January 2025

Justin Baldoni Sues Blake Lively & Ryan Reynolds, Streisanding All Of This Into A Mega-Story [Techdirt] (10:39 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

I suppose this was probably inevitable, but boy do I wonder if it’s smart. We were just talking about the celebrity drama du jour between Blake Lively, Ryan Reynolds, and Justin Baldoni. The very short version of this is that Lively and Baldoni starred in a movie together, Lively sued Baldoni and made a series of accusations about gross behavior Baldoni allegedly participated in, including a scheme in which Baldoni and associates were going to try to “ruin” Lively for making those accusations, whereas Baldoni denies all of it and instead accuses Lively and Reynolds of a coordinated scheme to take over the movie they were in and to ruin Baldoni’s career. Mixed in there as well is a lawsuit Baldoni filed against the New York Times for reporting on the accusations and a litigation hold letter Baldoni sent to Marvel and Disney in order to preserve any evidence about the character Nicepool in the latest Deadpool movie, because of the speculation that the character is made in such a way so as to make fun of, or defame as Baldoni will likely claim, Baldoni.

Again, that’s the short version. What you may have noticed is missing in all of that is a countersuit against Lively by Baldoni. We even called this out in our previous post, noting that attacking the coverage but not the accuser was “telling.”

Well, it’s telling no more, as Baldoni has in fact countersued both Lively and Reynolds.

The 179-page complaint — in which Baldoni is seeking $400 million and demanding a jury trial — was filed in the Southern District of New York on behalf of Baldoni, his company Wayfarer Studios, as well as his producing partner, Jamey Heath, his crisis manager, Melissa Nathan, his publicist Jennifer Abel and the It Ends With Us LLC. The defendants are accused of civil extortion, defamation and invasion of privacy.

“Lively stole Wayfarer’s movie, hijacked Wayfarer’s premiere, destroyed Plaintiffs’ personal and professional reputations and livelihood, and aimed to drive Plaintiffs out of business entirely,” the lawsuit states.

The suit of course states a whole lot more than that. The whole thing is below if you want to read it. It’s every bit as catty and gossipy as you’d expect out of this sort of thing, with accusations of doctoring text messages, claims that Reynolds and Lively attempted to coerce Baldoni and the studio to take the blame for the bad press Lively was getting, and so on. Again, for the purposes of our reporting on all of this, the veracity or not of anyone’s claims is not the point.

But it does play a role in our analysis of all of this. On the one hand, if Baldoni’s claims are true and he really is the victim of an organized campaign headed by Lively and Reynolds, well, then a countersuit probably makes all the sense in the world. One of the reasons the initial context of him not suing Lively was supposedly telling is that you typically get people threatening to sue but failing to do so because they are absolutely terrified about the discovery phase of the trial. That’s when all the dirt comes out and eventually gets made public. But if you’re not afraid of discovery because the facts are all on your side, then a countersuit makes sense.

But, man, if that isn’t the case, then we’re going to have to come up with an altered term for the kind of Streisand Effect that this will be. A public trial of this kind, between these levels of celebrities, is going to be like the Depp/Heard fiasco all over again. Everyone is probably going to come out looking real, real shitty. And, again, whatever minor anonymity Baldoni may have had previously is just gone. He and the accusations against him are in the spotlight now. He potentially could have settled all of this out of court and made it go away somewhat quietly. Not any more.

And from the initial responses to the lawsuit, it appears Lively intends for this to indeed be a fight.

Lively’s legal team told CNN in a statement Thursday that Baldoni’s suit “is another chapter in the abuser playbook. This is an age-old story: A woman speaks up with concrete evidence of sexual harassment and retaliation and the abuser attempts to turn the tables on the victim.”

“They are trying to shift the narrative to Ms. Lively by falsely claiming that she seized creative control and alienated the cast from Mr. Baldoni. The evidence will show that the cast and others had their own negative experiences with Mr. Baldoni and Wayfarer. The evidence will also show that Sony asked Ms. Lively to oversee Sony’s cut of the film, which they then selected for distribution and was a resounding success,” the statement also said.

So buckle up, because this is likely to be one hell of a ride. In no small part, I contend, because Baldoni’s actions have skyrocketed the press interest in all of this.

In Upholding The TikTok Ban, SCOTUS Compromises, And With It The First Amendment [Techdirt] (08:01 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

As the we wrote in our amicus brief (which it appears the justices did not read – guess they didn’t have time…), if the TikTok ban is blessed, it provides a roadmap for how to avoid the Constitution’s prohibition to “make no law” abridging free expression. All the government needs to do is declare that what it is doing it is doing for national security purposes, or perhaps to address some other similar exigency, and to seal the deal include such an accelerated time for enforcement that it will be impossible for the courts to appropriately review what the government is doing. (In fact, simply either claiming a provocative reason, or rushing enforcement, might be enough alone to help the government get away with an unconstitutional attack on speech).

We need not determine the proper standard for mixed-justification cases or decide whether the Government’s foreign adversary control justification is content neutral. Even assuming that rationale turns on content, petitioners’ argument fails under the counterfactual analysis they propose: The record before us adequately supports the conclusion that Congress would have passed the challenged provisions based on the data collection justification alone.

Finding that the law effectively banning TikTok is somehow constitutional is a bad decision with all sorts of bad consequences, not the least of which being that it tells the world that we’re not really all that serious about protecting speech when the chips are down, and so maybe other governments need not care about it so much either. The consequence this post is focused on, however, is to what degree the First Amendment’s protection of speech has been undermined altogether here in America. In short: it’s been undermined, although possibly not as badly as it could have been.

But that there might be a glimmer of modest hope does not exonerate this otherwise inexcusable decision. This case should not have been hard: speech interests were affected by this law, whose terms failed to even address the most reasonable justification underpinning the law. (As TikTok pointed out, if data protection was the motivating concern, why were no other platforms targeted? Or even just other Chinese-owned platforms, like Temu?) Because speech interests were affected – those of the platform, as well as those of its users – strict scrutiny should have been applied to the law, at which point the Court should have seen that the lack of narrow tailoring (the law took out a whole platform!) put the law beyond anything that the Constitution would permit.

Yet the Supreme Court still somehow found otherwise.

The question now is whether the decision is indeed as narrow as the Court claims it is, and something that is truly exceptional that leaves untouched other, stronger First Amendment precedent. And there do seem to be a few bright spots. For instance, it basically leaves untouched a few important notions that it looks like the Court is accepting, namely that platforms do have First Amendment rights, and that algorithms implicate this protected editorial discretion. It is also good, perversely, that in finding that only intermediate scrutiny applied, it left untouched the stronger strict scrutiny standard. One concern with the decision at the DC Circuit was that if the TikTok law could survive strict scrutiny, then any unconstitutional action probably could. We would no longer have any robustly meaningful test to use to protect us against incursions on speech rights, or even any rights. So, at least, in the wake of this decision, strict scrutiny remains intact and useful.

On the other hand, what’s the point of it remaining a useful test if the Court can so easily find a basis not to use it. The fundamental problem with this decision is that it takes a law with huge impacts on speech interests and declares it to be a law that is not speech related. Technically it hinges on being “content neutral,” but the upshot is that the Court basically says, “La la la we can’t hear you,” to any speech concerns raised by TikTok or its users.

The challenged provisions are facially content neutral. They impose TikTok-specific prohibitions due to a foreign adversary’s control over the platform and make divestiture a prerequisite for the platform’s continued operation in the United States. They do not target particular speech based upon its content, contrast, e.g., Carey v. Brown, 447 U. S. 455, 465 (1980) (statute prohibiting all residential picketing except “peaceful labor picketing”), or regulate speech based on its function or purpose, contrast, e.g., Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project, 561 U. S. 1, 7, 27 (2010) (law prohibiting providing material support to terrorists). Nor do they impose a “restriction, penalty, or burden” by reason of content on TikTok—a conclusion confirmed by the fact that petitioners “cannot avoid or mitigate” the effects of the Act by altering their speech. Turner I, 512 U. S., at 644. As to petitioners, the Act thus does not facially regulate “particular speech because of the topic discussed or the idea or message expressed.” Reed, 576 U. S., at 163.
[From page 10]

Instead, by ignoring those speech interests, and the more heightened scrutiny that should have applied as a result, the Court applied what essentially was little more than rational basis review, even though they called it intermediary scrutiny. In short, according to the Court, because the government had good reason to be concerned with how TikTok slurped up user data and shared it, the government was free to do whatever it wanted in response, no matter how unduly destructive to speech interests (and ineffective in support of its own intended ends) its actions were.

The problem here is that not only was this decision an avoidance of the normal constitutional rule that should have better protected the affected speech interests, but there’s little to keep this particular sort of cop-out limited to this particular case. It will be very easy for other government actions that impact speech to be forgiven in the future, just as this one was, because there’s nothing that actually justifies this one. The same flimsy reasoning could easily be applied in another case, despite the Court’s insistence to the contrary. We’ve seen it happen before*, when the court tries to take a baby step to walk back the First Amendment but ends up with a decision that gets stuck on the books as a giant leap backwards, leaving everyone much less protected than they were before.

* Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project, another case dealing with foreign pressure on First Amendment rights, comes to mind. There was language in that decision explaining how its reasoning curtailing those rights was allowable in that case’s context, and just that context. (“We conclude that the material-support statute is constitutional as applied to the particular activities plaintiffs have told us they wish to pursue. We do not, however, address the resolution of more difficult cases that may arise under the statute in the future.”) Yet that decision nevertheless reverberates in other contexts, including this case, as the Court rested part of its analysis regarding the TikTok ban on that earlier exception that it had somehow found itself Constitutionally able to make.

The TikTok decision is a bad decision, and the per curiam nature of the decision hints that even the Court knows it. It reads like a compromise decision – an attempt to sacrifice TikTok without sacrificing everything – in a situation where, in an extremely tight timeline, the Court needed at least five votes to do something, and there wasn’t enough agreement as to what that something should be. At oral argument, and later during the Free Speech Coalition v. Paxton argument earlier this week, it became clear that several justices were uncomfortable issuing a stay or an injunction to buy more time to adjudicate this case and the important issues implicated more carefully. And it seems there weren’t five votes to say the law was unconstitutional – probably, as oral argument also revealed, because some justices were extremely spooked by the national security implications related to data collection practices.

So if TikTok was going to lose – and it would have effectively lost even if the Court did nothing, given that the deadline for divestment was rapidly approaching – the compromise may have been to try to make it lose in a way that undermined protective First Amendment precedent in the least damaging way. As it was, both Justices Gorsuch and Sotomayor could, correctly, see that the law implicated speech interests, and that ability to recognize it will be important in the future when we need the Court to see them again. But as their concurring opinions made clear, they still would have found the law constitutional, despite its utter lack of narrow tailoring, which strict scrutiny requires. They would have left us with a decision no better than the DC Circuit had issued, where strict scrutiny would become all but useless to protect speech interests.

Under the circumstances, then, this decision may have been the least damaging one the Court could come up with, at least in the available time. But the hope that it wasn’t damaging at all seems naïve. The best we can hope for is that this decision somehow turns out to be the government’s one free bite at the apple, because if it happens again, where the government adopts this roadmap to act unconstitutionally against speech interests, even this Court might start to notice the constitutional problem with such laws and finally decide to do something about them.

FTC Bans GM From Selling Driver Location Data For 5 Years [Techdirt] (06:27 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Last year, Kashmir Hill at the New York Times published a major story confirming that automakers collect all sorts of driver behavior data then sell it to a long list of companies — without making that clear to car owners or getting consent. That includes insurance companies, which are now jacking up insurance rates if they see behavior in the dataset they don’t like.

Not surprisingly, GM was subsequently sued. Several times. Forcing it to spend much of last year going on an apology tour, which included pinky swearing that they will stop spying on their customers and selling data to data brokers and insurance companies.

Fast forward to this week, and the FTC has announced a new settlement with GM and OnStar, banning the companies from collecting and selling sensitive user location data for five years.

“G.M. monitored and sold people’s precise geolocation data and driver behavior information, sometimes as often as every three seconds,” outgoing FTC boss Lina Khan said of the settlement. “With this action, the F.T.C. is safeguarding Americans’ privacy and protecting people from unchecked surveillance.”

A report last year by Mozilla highlighted how the auto industry was the absolute worst industry that the organization tracks on privacy practices, routinely over-collecting and failing to adequately protect or encrypt broad swaths of data. Not just data from the vehicle; but troves of data collected from your phone every time you sync it with your car’s infotainment and navigation systems.

This data is then sold to a massive array of dodgy and barely regulated data brokers, who aren’t particularly discerning when it comes to selling that data to all manner of equally dodgy folks, whether that’s foreign and domestic governments, stalkers, right wing anti-abortion activists, or people pretending to be law enforcement. You can see how this could prove problematic under authoritarian rule.

In the case of most automakers, they bury what passes for “informed consumer consent” deep in the bowels of some overlong privacy policy for their free initial roadside assistance services, which most users never notice. This GM settlement bars GM and OnStar from collecting this data, and requires that they allow users to request copies and the deletion of any existing data.

On one hand, this is a nice example of the positive outcomes that can happen when journalism, consumer groups (Mozilla, Consumer Reports), and regulators work together to protect consumers.

On the other hand, piecemeal temporary settlements aren’t quite as effective as passing a meaningful and consistently enforced federal privacy law, which the U.S. Congress is too corrupt to do. And after billionaires whined endlessly about Lina Khan being too mean, a key component of Trump 2.0 will be defanging regulatory independence and consumer protection, so whether this settlement even sees enforcement by the Trump FTC is an open question I’m pretty sure I know the answer to.

“Secretly collecting and sharing driver location data is a terrible practice that can cause real harm to unsuspecting consumers,” Consumer Reports Tech Policy DirectorJustin Brookman said of the settlement. “We are encouraged that the FTC is taking action under existing consumer protection law to put a stop to it. But because of ambiguity in the law, the best way to avoid these types of abuses in the future is a strong and clear comprehensive privacy law that restricts unwanted data sharing by default.”

Italian Legislators Rekindle Decade-Long Grudge Match Against Tripadvisor And Its Reviewers [Techdirt] (04:16 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Italy remains pretty fucking weird when it comes to all things Italian. From top prosecutors taking aim at vendors who “debase” respected Italian art by, say, offering products featuring Michelangelo’s “David” (mainly the naked bits, which is all of it) or fining government entities (even those engaged in promoting tourism) for using any other language but Italian for official communications.

And, for some reason, the government entity in charge of promoting tourism (with or without the use of languages tourists would be more familiar with), has been going after Tripadvisor and its users since late 2014. Regulators, who perhaps didn’t realize none of this matters to an American company with Section 230 protections, decided they could fine Tripadvisor over $600,000 for “failing” to remove “fake” reviews fast enough to soothe the eternally perturbed souls of a country that still hasn’t managed to shed all the fascism it obtained during the World War II years.

Fortunately, the country’s courts aren’t quite as performative as the rest of the government. An Italian court overturned the fine six months later, pointing out (logically) that the harm to consumers was, at best, negligible. If local businesses felt some reviews were “fake,” they could still approach TripAdvisor to have them removed. And they still retained the opportunities afforded to all businesses everywhere: they could respond in kind on any number of services offered worldwide by dozens of tech companies.

For no apparent reason, what seemed to have been cooled off permanently nearly a decade ago is now back in play. As CNN reports, legislators are proposing a new law that would force Tripadvisor to “verify” reviews of Italian touristy stuff in order to root out the alleged fraudulent reviews politicians are once again claiming plague this one particular review site.

The proposed law, supported by Italy’s tourism minister, Daniela Santanchè, will put the onus on travel review sites like Tripadvisor to verify that anyone leaving a review has actually visited the establishment they are reviewing and is not getting paid to write positive appraisals.

Any reviews will have to be verified with a valid ID and the reviewer will have to prove that they were at the establishment within two weeks of writing a review.

The skew is in play here. The real reason for this law is to discourage people from leaving negative reviews of Italian establishments. The side effect is also the chilling effect: the collection and retention of identifying info from all Tripadvisor users, because simply filtering for “reviews+Italy” probably isn’t going to catch all the people these legislators feel should be named, retained, and (if need be) shamed.

According to the bill’s supporters, this isn’t about discouraging negative reviews of Italian tourism businesses. Instead, they claim this will prevent “unfair” competition, expose pay-to-play reviewers, and “root out fraud.”

I can guarantee this bill, if passed, will accomplish none of these things. But it will discourage honest users from criticizing (or even praising) places they visited in Italy. Lots of people like writing reviews. And the more reviews an entity gets, the better others can appraise it before spending their own money on it. Forcing them to cough up identifying info is a non-starter, especially when people will be made aware by TripAdvisor that it’s the Italian government demanding this, rather than the site itself.

Given the history of Italy’s governance, informed travelers will just refuse to leave reviews lest they become the new targets of the government’s bizarre ire. And that will just leave other travelers with less informed going forward.

If you don’t believe me, just ask tourism industry reps what they think about this proposal:

Confescercenti Nazionale, an association that represents small tourism entities, said the proposed law doesn’t go far enough.

“We expected a lot and we find very little,” the group said in a statement after the bill was introduced Tuesday. “It is certainly insufficient to effectively enhance the system of Italian micro, small and medium-sized enterprises.”

Anyone can read between these lines. The tourism industry isn’t happy because the law doesn’t mandate only positive reviews or target Tripadvisor (the entity with the biggest pockets) for hosting negative reviews that tourism entities (and the legislators that love them) always insist are “fake.”

What’s not immediately clear is how demanding proof of identity and receipts is going to deter fake positive reviews. What seems immediately clear is how this information can be leveraged by the government to seek further action against negative reviews of Italian businesses and apply even more pressure to Tripadvisor and others to discourage users from reviewing these businesses altogether.

It appears the government would prefer silence to the occasional negative review. And just a heads up to those looking at visiting this country: the industry you’re patronizing thinks people who leave reviews it doesn’t like aren’t being treated harshly enough.

SCOTUS: TikTok’s China Connection Is So Scary & Urgent, We Can Ban An Entire App. Biden Admin: Just Kidding, We Won’t Enforce It [Techdirt] (02:24 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

It seemed pretty obvious from the way the Supreme Court’s oral arguments went regarding the TikTok ban that this would be the outcome: a 9-0 per curiam decision saying “eh, it’s fine to ban TikTok.”

There is no doubt that, for more than 170 million Americans, TikTok offers a distinctive and expansive outlet for expression, means of engagement, and source of community. But Congress has determined that divestiture is necessary to address its well-supported national security concerns regarding TikTok’s data collection practices and relationship with a foreign adversary. For the foregoing reasons, we conclude that the challenged provisions do not violate petitioners’ First Amendment rights.

The ruling is fundamentally problematic on a number of different levels, but it’s the new reality. This decision sets a dangerous precedent that could enable further government overreach and censorship, under the guise of national security concerns. We’ll have another post exploring the amount of absolute censorial fuckery that this ruling will create, if not in practice, at least among the eager-to-censor political class who will view this as an instruction manual.

But, the key thing to me is that (as was suggested earlier this week), the Biden admin responded to this ruling, on a law that he fought for, signed excitedly, and had his solicitor general strongly defend in front of the Supreme Court, by saying “eh, never mind.”

This whiplash-inducing reversal from the Biden administration, after championing the TikTok ban, underscores the arbitrary and politically motivated nature of this decision. It raises questions about whether there was ever a genuine national security justification, or if it was merely a convenient excuse for censorship.

To summarize: this was a grave national security threat because China could get access to all sorts of secret data (which they already have access to because we don’t have any comprehensive data privacy law) or maybe it was because they could manipulate the minds of children (which every other form of media also can legally do) or because “THIS IS DIFFERENT IT’S CHINA YOU DUM DUM” as people on social media keep trying to tell me. The lack of a clear, consistent justification for singling out TikTok, while other apps and platforms engage in similar data collection practices, reveals the arbitrary and capricious nature of this ban.

Indeed, it was such a grave threat that the Supreme Court felt they had to rush the briefing way out of line with normal briefing schedules, because it was just so so important to block this app that the kids like.

And then… when the Supreme Court blesses it, the Biden admin is just… not interested anymore.

President Joe Biden won’t enforce a ban on the social media app TikTok that is set to take effect a day before he leaves office on Monday, a U.S. official said Thursday, leaving its fate in the hands of President-elect Donald Trump.

Trump has also suggested he won’t enforce the ban because he wants to “negotiate” some sort of agreement to take credit for everything, even though he was the first to try to ban the app after getting angry that kids on the app made him look foolish. Trump’s desire to “negotiate” and take credit, rather than address any actual concerns, suggests (once again) that political grandstanding, not national security, is the true motivation.

Incredibly, TikTok’s CEO Shou Zi Chew (who is Singaporean, not Chinese) is expected to have “a prime seating location on the dais” at Trump’s inauguration on Monday, which seems like an odd thing if Congress, and now the Supreme Court, has made it clear that he’s the guy running a dastardly spying/manipulation app for our (apparently) biggest adversary.

This jarring juxtaposition—condemning TikTok as a national security threat one moment, then honoring its CEO the next—lays bare the incoherence and hypocrisy at the heart of the government’s stance.

All of this is just painfully stupid, which the kids on TikTok all seem to recognize with their satirical mocking of the ban by saying farewell to “my Chinese spy” and embracing the even more “connected-to-the-CCP” app RedNote.

As for the decision itself, it effectively ends what little moral high ground the US had left on internet openness and freedom. For the past two decades, across multiple administrations, the State Department had taken a fairly strong position that foreign countries banning apps (which they all claim they do for “national security purposes”) was a dangerous attack on internet openness and freedoms.

And now the US can no longer claim that with a straight face. This decision is a gift to authoritarian regimes around the world. It provides cover and legitimacy for censorship and digital protectionism, weakening America’s ability to advocate for internet freedom on the global stage.

I guarantee that Chinese officials will actually use this blundering mess against the US. They will claim that it is a vindication of the approach that they take with the Great Firewall of China, saying that they “protect national security through banning apps” and that the US has chosen to follow their lead in doing the same.

We’ve now said it’s okay to create a Great Firewall of America, further splintering the internet and effectively ending the global internet experience. There will be a price paid for that, though we’ll only learn more about it with time. This Balkanization of the internet into national silos is a tragic reversal of the promise of a borderless digital world that fosters free expression and connection.

As for the ruling itself, the fact that the entire process was rushed shows through very clearly. The reasoning is muddled, and big questions are punted. It basically says “well, if Congress strongly believes there’s a national security threat, then the First Amendment concerns probably aren’t that big a deal.” That seems pretty problematic, because Congress has a pretty long list of censorial ideas that they can pass with strong majorities.

The Court’s deference to Congress on matters of national security, at the expense of First Amendment scrutiny, is a troubling abdication of its constitutional role. It opens the door for the legislative branch to run roughshod over civil liberties, using national security as a convenient excuse.

The Supreme Court is supposed to protect against that kind of thing, but here is suddenly willing to give Congress great deference.

To start, the House Report focuses overwhelmingly on the Government’s data collection concerns, noting the “breadth” of TikTok’s data collection, “the difficulty in assessing precisely which categories of data” the platform collects, the “tight interlinkages” between TikTok and the Chinese Government, and the Chinese Government’s ability to “coerc[e]” companies in China to “provid[e] data.” H. R. Rep., at 3; see id., at 5–12 (recounting a five-year record of Government actions raising and attempting to address those very concerns). Indeed, it does not appear that any legislator disputed the national security risks associated with TikTok’s data collection practices, and nothing in the legislative record suggests that data collection was anything but an overriding congressional concern. We are especially wary of parsing Congress’s motives on this record with regard to an Act passed with striking bipartisan support.

If data privacy is truly the concern, then a comprehensive data protection law, rather than a piecemeal ban on a single platform, would be a more effective and less constitutionally problematic solution. By focusing on TikTok alone, Congress and the Court have enabled arbitrary censorship rather than addressing the underlying issue.

Furthermore, not parsing Congress’ motives seems especially problematic, given that many members of Congress directly cited impermissible (under the First Amendment) reasons for why they wanted this ban. Like, Mitt Romney directly said the ban was a good idea because kids on TikTok were too strongly pro-Palestine. The Court’s failure to grapple with the censorial motives animating the TikTok ban — as exemplified by Sen. Romney’s comments about suppressing pro-Palestinian views — is a dereliction of its duty to safeguard free expression against viewpoint discrimination.

It can’t just be that as long as Congress attaches a non-content censorship reason to a bill that many want for censorial purposes, it magically makes it okay. But that is what the Supreme Court is saying here.

About the only attempt by the Supreme Court to recognize the havoc they are wreaking is a weak “hey, we’re ruling narrowly, don’t read too much into this precedential ruling we are putting out”:

While we find that differential treatment was justified here, however, we emphasize the inherent narrowness of our holding. Data collection and analysis is a common practice in this digital age. But TikTok’s scale and susceptibility to foreign adversary control, together with the vast swaths of sensitive data the platform collects, justify differential treatment to address the Government’s national security concerns. A law targeting any other speaker would by necessity entail a distinct inquiry and separate considerations.

The Court’s attempt to cabin the reach of its decision is unconvincing. By opening the door to First Amendment exceptions based on “striking bipartisan support,” the Court has invited further challenges to free expression. Censorial politicians will surely seize upon this language to test the boundaries of what speech they can suppress in the name of national security.

This is a messy, rushed decision that the US is going to regret. Hell, Biden’s reaction to it suggests he already regrets it. But it’s going to live on and create future problems for a country that once at least tried to appear to hold the moral high ground on an open and free internet.

The TikTok ban, and the Court’s acquiescence to it, represent a low point for digital civil liberties in America. It’s a self-inflicted wound that will haunt us for years to come, as we grapple with the fallout of a fragmented internet and emboldened censors, both at home and abroad.

Daily Deal: Fuse Vint Vintage Retro Radio [Techdirt] (02:19 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

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Good Look Taken [Tedium] (01:26 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Good Look Taken

As you probably know, we have an affinity for two things over at Tedium: Old stuff that’s fallen through the cracks and people that, like me, are named Ernie, which is an excellent name.

Which is why I’m happy to tell you about something that hits both of those niches pretty effectively: A long-unseen episode of an Ernie Kovacs show is about to hit the internet for the first time.

A thought-to-be-lost episode of the Kovacs game show Take a Good Look, dating to 1961, recently resurfaced, and will make its world premiere next week on YouTube.

Kovacs Football
(all photos courtesy Ediad Productions)

Kovacs, for folks who aren’t aware, is believed to be one of the first auteurs of the television medium, often using his comedic skills in highly inventive, visual ways that proved inspiring to later generations of comedians. He also represents a cautionary tale of what can happen when the entertainment industry fails to protect its classic material. Kovacs died in 1962, at the relatively young age of 42, and the companies that aired his material would tape over it, or worse, ditch it entirely. (One oft-repeated tale has Kovacs’ old Dumont Network recordings getting dumped in the Hudson River.)

Kovacs’ widow, Edie Adams, did her best to protect her husband’s legacy and what was left of his work, given these challenging circumstances. Adams, a regular Take a Good Look panelist and frequent collaborator with her husband, had saved most of the episodes of that show, though some had slipped through the cracks. While maintaining an entertainment career of her own, Adams gained a reputation as an innovator in the archival of entertainment content—which paid off decades later thanks to the rise of the VHS and DVD.

Adams’ son, Josh Mills, carried the archival torch through the modern day after his mother’s 2008 passing, maintaining the estates of Kovacs, his mother, and his father Martin Mills.

“She was doing this before anyone, so I feel like it’s sort of a duty, because my mom paid bills, literal storage bills, for 45 years for all of this material,” Mills said of his mother. “So not only did she put her money where her mouth was—she talked about it—but she paid it.”

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Just a few years back, working from that archive and others, he gathered together all known episodes of Take a Good Look. They found more than they were expecting. But there was still a gap.

“We were missing the final episode, which is this one episode,” Mills said. “So we put out a box set of everything that was available, not even knowing this one existed.”

Eventually, word got to Mills that this episode had surfaced in the hands of a company called Retro Video—which showed a lot of respect for the work of Edie Adams in their dealings with Mills.

“I went over there, I saw the facility, and they were like, ‘Basically, your mom saved all this stuff, this is yours, take it,’” Mills recalled. “So they gave it to us, which was really nice, because a lot of people wouldn’t be that nice at all.”

That gave Mills a chance to resurface some of Kovacs’ vintage works (more is coming this year, starting with Mayhem in the A.M., a collection of Kovacs’ vintage audio recordings for radio which hits January 24). But a lot has changed even in the eight or so years since that box set came out—which means that 65-year-old episode, which features comedian George Jessel, is appearing on YouTube as a part of the Clown Jewels channel, which you might remember resurfaced the first episode of Turn-On a couple of years ago. (Mills, along with archivist Ben Model, will take part in a live chat during the premiere.)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VHNOLePtk-M

One of the vintage episodes of Take a Good Luck, recently published to YouTube—but also included on a 2017 DVD box set. If you want to get on a Kovacs kick, there’s more here).

Why YouTube? Simply put, the streaming era has unfortunately buried shows and films past a certain age. Recently, it came out that 1973’s The Sting was the oldest film on Netflix, something that leaves a lot of classic film and television fans in a real lurch.

“Honestly, it’s kind of the only game in town,” Mills says of YouTube. “If you’re able to do a series of things, there are some physical media places like Shout Factory, with whom we had a deal for many years. We’ll still release stuff, but we’re entering a post-physical media world at this point.”

But for those willing to make their way over to YouTube, they’re in for a treat. (This playlist is a great place to start.) Mills describes the show, while organized as a game show in which people guess who a person is based on a series of short visual clues, as really an excuse for Kovacs to show off his visual trickery.

“They were so obscure and so weird and so off the wall that the point was almost to not guess it—because Ernie wanted you to see all the videos that he made,” Mills says.

Combined with Kovacs’ very relaxed conversational manner, it feels less like a game show and more of a showcase.

Part of the reason this kind of thing doesn’t appear on the Peacocks or Hulus of the world has much to do with their tonal differences from what we expect today. (Along with the lack of color, alas.) And because Edie Adams took ownership of this work way back when, Mills’ Ediad Productions effectively owns the copyright to the work, rather than a major studio. (The Library of Congress maintains the physical copies of the work, while Mills’ companies handle the digital rights.)

“I think that’s the hard part is trying to maintain people’s attention span and awareness that there is this stuff out there that maybe doesn’t have the same beats and doesn’t have the same tone as a lot of the stuff that you may be watching,” Mills says.

Hold It Card
(all photos courtesy Ediad Productions)

But for someone who is actually looking for a different lane, Kovacs’ work has much to offer.

“If you’re a little bit outside the margins and outside the mainstream, you’re going to find something in here that resonates with you.”

Keep an eye on the Clown Jewels YouTube channel to catch a glimpse of it January 23 at 7pm ET.

Found Links

It is absolutely brutal, just brutal, that we lost David Lynch and Bob Uecker on the same day. Uecker is probably the first TV dad I remember liking, and Lynch … he speaks for himself.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Tk3EgDPZD0w

It’s been a tough couple of weeks, and it’s likely to get more complicated in the weeks to come. You might feel like you’re losing hope in your fellow human being. If you’re lacking that, consider watching this clip of Ving Rhames giving his Golden Globe to legendary actor Jack Lemmon, just because he wanted to. In its own way, it’s life-affirming.

In a follow-up to our Best Feature Article winner for 2024, General Motors has literally been banned from selling driver data for the next five years. Talk about results.

--

Find this one an interesting read? Share it with a pal! And thanks to Josh for the time in chatting with me. Cool archives deserve to be celebrated!


Subcommittee tables Garrett bill on local land-use decisions [Cardinal News] (12:52 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Solar farms around Climax in Pittsylvania County. Photo by Dwayne Yancey.

Read more about the bills mentioned in this story — or any other legislation in the 2025 General Assembly session — at https://lis.virginia.gov/.

A House subcommittee on Friday tabled a bill that said land-use decisions around solar, wind, energy storage and data center projects should “belong solely to the locality and shall not be ceded to any state agency or state-sanctioned body.”

Del. Tom Garrett, R-Buckingham County, said his HB 2068 was necessary to ensure that local governments can continue to extract proffers from developers of such projects.

Proffers are money or other concessions that a developer makes to a locality in exchange for project approval, and they help fund the salaries of local teachers, firefighters and law enforcement, Garrett said.

“This is about helping our kids get an education and our public safety officials to provide that public safety,” Garrett told a subcommittee of the House of Delegates’ Counties Cities and Towns committee.

He referenced recent efforts to give the state more authority over approving renewable energy projects, including a proposal from the last General Assembly that could have allowed state regulators to override local government decisions on such projects. 

“If you take from these localities the ability to make these decisions, then there is no reason on earth that the solar developer, for example, would proffer $2 million to Buckingham County. They wouldn’t need to. They’d come grease palms in Richmond and that’s not going to help our families,” Garrett said.

The state-versus-local tension over who should have the authority to approve or deny renewable energy projects comes as Virginia faces rapidly rising electricity demand, driven largely by the growth of data centers, as well as legislatively mandated clean energy goals.

Most proposed renewable energy projects have been solar, and some local governments are increasingly resisting them, whether by denying individual proposals or by enacting restrictive regulations.

Proponents of solar tout its carbon-free electricity generation and the revenue that solar projects can bring to landowners and localities, but opponents have cited concerns about solar farms’ impact on rural viewsheds, property values and the environment.

Earlier this month, a state commission focused on electric utility regulation recommended legislation to create a new board that would allow the state more sway over such projects and would require localities to adopt solar ordinances consistent with a statewide model. Del. Rip Sullivan Jr., D-Fairfax County, is carrying that bill in the House as HB 2126, while Sen. Creigh Deeds, D-Charlottesville, is sponsoring it in the Senate as SB 1190.

Gov. Glenn Youngkin said during his State of the Commonwealth address this month that he believes land-use decisions about solar power and data centers should rest with localities.

Garrett’s bill initially applied to all land-use decisions. He proposed an amendment during Friday’s subcommittee meeting that narrowed the scope, saying at first it was “very broad.”

“Essentially, the bill said, ‘Land use decisions are local.’ People who are smarter than me came to me and said, ‘Tom, you’re going to kill your own bill because there are some land-use decisions that aren’t local,” such as where an off-ramp for an interstate highway is built, he said.

Del. Katrina Callsen, D-Charlottesville, said that while she appreciated the amendment to narrow the bill’s scope, she didn’t think the bill was necessary because local governments currently have zoning authority to regulate such projects.

“I’m not sure what the purpose of this bill is other than a value statement for you that’s not required under the current code section,” Callsen said.

The Democratic-majority subcommittee voted 5-3 along party lines to table the bill, effectively killing it.

The post Subcommittee tables Garrett bill on local land-use decisions appeared first on Cardinal News.

Subcommittee tables Garrett bill on local land-use decisions [Cardinal News] (12:52 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Solar farms around Climax in Pittsylvania County. Photo by Dwayne Yancey.

Read more about the bills mentioned in this story — or any other legislation in the 2025 General Assembly session — at https://lis.virginia.gov/.

A House subcommittee on Friday tabled a bill that said land-use decisions around solar, wind, energy storage and data center projects should “belong solely to the locality and shall not be ceded to any state agency or state-sanctioned body.”

Del. Tom Garrett, R-Buckingham County, said his HB 2068 was necessary to ensure that local governments can continue to extract proffers from developers of such projects.

Proffers are money or other concessions that a developer makes to a locality in exchange for project approval, and they help fund the salaries of local teachers, firefighters and law enforcement, Garrett said.

“This is about helping our kids get an education and our public safety officials to provide that public safety,” Garrett told a subcommittee of the House of Delegates’ Counties Cities and Towns committee.

He referenced recent efforts to give the state more authority over approving renewable energy projects, including a proposal from the last General Assembly that could have allowed state regulators to override local government decisions on such projects. 

“If you take from these localities the ability to make these decisions, then there is no reason on earth that the solar developer, for example, would proffer $2 million to Buckingham County. They wouldn’t need to. They’d come grease palms in Richmond and that’s not going to help our families,” Garrett said.

The state-versus-local tension over who should have the authority to approve or deny renewable energy projects comes as Virginia faces rapidly rising electricity demand, driven largely by the growth of data centers, as well as legislatively mandated clean energy goals.

Most proposed renewable energy projects have been solar, and some local governments are increasingly resisting them, whether by denying individual proposals or by enacting restrictive regulations.

Proponents of solar tout its carbon-free electricity generation and the revenue that solar projects can bring to landowners and localities, but opponents have cited concerns about solar farms’ impact on rural viewsheds, property values and the environment.

Earlier this month, a state commission focused on electric utility regulation recommended legislation to create a new board that would allow the state more sway over such projects and would require localities to adopt solar ordinances consistent with a statewide model. Del. Rip Sullivan Jr., D-Fairfax County, is carrying that bill in the House as HB 2126, while Sen. Creigh Deeds, D-Charlottesville, is sponsoring it in the Senate as SB 1190.

Gov. Glenn Youngkin said during his State of the Commonwealth address this month that he believes land-use decisions about solar power and data centers should rest with localities.

Garrett’s bill initially applied to all land-use decisions. He proposed an amendment during Friday’s subcommittee meeting that narrowed the scope, saying at first it was “very broad.”

“Essentially, the bill said, ‘Land use decisions are local.’ People who are smarter than me came to me and said, ‘Tom, you’re going to kill your own bill because there are some land-use decisions that aren’t local,’” such as where an off-ramp for an interstate highway is built, he said.

Del. Katrina Callsen, D-Charlottesville, said that while she appreciated the amendment to narrow the bill’s scope, she didn’t think the bill was necessary because local governments currently have zoning authority to regulate such projects.

“I’m not sure what the purpose of this bill is other than a value statement for you that’s not required under the current code section,” Callsen said.

The Democratic-majority subcommittee voted 5-3 along party lines to table the bill, effectively killing it.

The post Subcommittee tables Garrett bill on local land-use decisions appeared first on Cardinal News.

Subcommittee tables Garrett bill on local land-use decisions [Cardinal News] (12:52 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Solar farms around Climax in Pittsylvania County. Photo by Dwayne Yancey.

Read more about the bills mentioned in this story — or any other legislation in the 2025 General Assembly session — at https://lis.virginia.gov/.

A House subcommittee on Friday tabled a bill that said land-use decisions around solar, wind, energy storage and data center projects should “belong solely to the locality and shall not be ceded to any state agency or state-sanctioned body.”

Del. Tom Garrett, R-Buckingham County, said his HB 2068 was necessary to ensure that local governments can continue to extract proffers from developers of such projects.

Proffers are money or other concessions that a developer makes to a locality in exchange for project approval, and Garrett said they help fund the salaries of local teachers, firefighters and law enforcement.

“This is about helping our kids get an education and our public safety officials to provide that public safety,” Garrett told a subcommittee of the House of Delegates’ Counties Cities and Towns committee.

He referenced recent efforts to give the state more authority over approving renewable energy projects, including a proposal from the last General Assembly that could have allowed state regulators to override local government decisions on such projects. 

“If you take from these localities the ability to make these decisions, then there is no reason on earth that the solar developer, for example, would proffer $2 million to Buckingham County. They wouldn’t need to. They’d come grease palms in Richmond and that’s not going to help our families,” Garrett said.

The state-versus-local tension over who should have the authority to approve or deny renewable energy projects comes as Virginia faces rapidly rising electricity demand, driven largely by the growth of data centers, as well as legislatively mandated clean energy goals.

Most proposed renewable energy projects have been solar, and some local governments are increasingly resisting them, whether by denying individual proposals or by enacting restrictive regulations.

Proponents of solar tout its carbon-free electricity generation and the revenue that solar projects can bring to landowners and localities, but opponents have cited concerns about solar farms’ impact on rural viewsheds, property values and the environment.

Earlier this month, a state commission focused on electric utility regulation recommended legislation to create a new board that would allow the state more sway over such projects and would require localities to adopt solar ordinances consistent with a statewide model. Del. Rip Sullivan Jr., D-Fairfax County, is carrying that bill in the House as HB 2126, while Sen. Creigh Deeds, D-Charlottesville, is sponsoring it in the Senate as SB 1190.

Gov. Glenn Youngkin said during his State of the Commonwealth address this month that he believes land-use decisions about solar power and data centers should rest with localities.

Garrett’s bill initially applied to all land-use decisions. He proposed an amendment during Friday’s subcommittee meeting that narrowed the scope, saying at first it was “very broad.”

“Essentially, the bill said, ‘Land use decisions are local.’ People who are smarter than me came to me and said, ‘Tom, you’re going to kill your own bill because there are some land-use decisions that aren’t local,’” such as where an off-ramp for an interstate highway is built, he said.

Del. Katrina Callsen, D-Charlottesville, said that while she appreciated the amendment to narrow the bill’s scope, she didn’t think the bill was necessary because local governments currently have zoning authority to regulate such projects.

“I’m not sure what the purpose of this bill is other than a value statement for you that’s not required under the current code section,” Callsen said.

The Democratic-majority subcommittee voted 5-3 along party lines to table the bill, effectively killing it.

The post Subcommittee tables Garrett bill on local land-use decisions appeared first on Cardinal News.

As Zuckerberg Goes Around Whining About Biden, He Made Sure To First Get His New Approach Approved By Trump [Techdirt] (12:23 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Remember how Zuckerberg was “done with politics”? Remember how he promised that he was going to stop doing what politicians demanded he do?

Now it turns out that he not only did his big set of moderation changes to please Trump, but did so only after he was told by the incoming administration to act. Even worse, he reportedly made sure to share his plans with top Trump aides to get their approval first.

That’s a key takeaway from a new New York Times piece that is ostensibly a profile of the relentlessly awful Stephen Miller. However, it also has a few revealing details about the whole Zuckerberg saga buried within. First, Miller reportedly demanded that Zuckerberg make changes at Facebook “on Trump’s terms.”

Mr. Miller told Mr. Zuckerberg that he had an opportunity to help reform America, but it would be on President-elect Donald J. Trump’s terms. He made clear that Mr. Trump would crack down on immigration and go to war against the diversity, equity and inclusion, or D.E.I., culture that had been embraced by Meta and much of corporate America in recent years.

Mr. Zuckerberg was amenable. He signaled to Mr. Miller and his colleagues, including other senior Trump advisers, that he would do nothing to obstruct the Trump agenda, according to three people with knowledge of the meeting, who asked for anonymity to discuss a private conversation. Mr. Zuckerberg said he would instead focus solely on building tech products.

Even if you argue that this was more about DEI programs at Meta rather than about content moderation, it’s still the incoming administration reportedly making actual demands of Zuckerberg, and Zuckerberg not just saying “fine” but actually previewing the details to Miller to make sure they got Trump’s blessing.

Earlier this month, Mr. Zuckerberg’s political lieutenants previewed the changes to Mr. Miller in a private briefing. And on Jan. 10, Mr. Zuckerberg made them official….

This is especially galling given that it was just days ago when Zuckerberg was whining about how unfair it was that Biden officials were demanding stuff from him (even though he had no trouble saying no to them) and it was big news! The headlines made a huge deal of how unfair Biden was to Zuckerberg. Here’s just a sampling.

Image

Notably absent from this breathless coverage was any mention that Trump was the one who actually threatened to imprison Zuckerberg for life. Or that his incoming FCC chair threatened to remove Section 230 if Meta didn’t stop fact-checking.

Also conveniently omitted was the fact that the Supreme Court found no evidence of the Biden administration going over the line in its conversations with Meta. Indeed, a Supreme Court Justice noted that conversations like those that the Biden admin had with Meta happened “thousands of times a day,” and weren’t problematic because there was no inherent threat or direct coordination.

Yet, here, we have reports of both threats and now evidence of direct coordination, including Zuckerberg asking for and getting direct approval from a top Trump official before rolling out the policy.

And where is this bombshell revelation? It’s buried in a random profile piece puffing up Stephen Miller.

It’s almost as if everyone now takes it for granted that any made-up story about Biden will be treated as fact, and everyone just takes it as expected when Trump actually does the thing that Biden gets falsely accused of.

With this new story, don’t hold your breath waiting for the same outlets to give this anywhere near the same level of coverage and outrage they directed at the Biden administration.

It’s almost as if there’s a massive double standard here: everything is okay if Trump does it, but we can blame the Biden admin for things we only pretend they did.

I’m used to hypocrisy in the political world, but this is beyond ridiculous. It’s now being made clear that the Trump admin is actually doing the exact thing that people were (falsely, misleadingly) blaming Biden for.

And it’s just a random aside in a story, and no one seems to be calling it out. Other than us here at Techdirt.

Bypassing disk encryption on systems with automatic TPM2 unlock [inks] (11:26 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Have you setup automatic disk unlocking with TPM2 and systemd-cryptenroll or clevis? Then chances are high that your disk can be decrypted by an attacker who just has brief physical access to your machine - with some preparation, 10 minutes will suffice. In this article we will explore how TPM2 based disk decryption works, and understand why many setups are vulnerable to a kind of filesystem confusion attack. We will follow along by exploiting two different real systems (Fedora + clevis, NixOS + systemd-cryptenroll).

Physically Based Rendering:From Theory To Implementation [inks] (11:21 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Physically Based Rendering describes both the mathematical theory behind a modern photorealistic rendering system and its practical implementation. A method known as literate programming combines human-readable documentation and source code into a single reference that is specifically designed to aid comprehension. The book’s leading-edge algorithms, software, and ideas—including new material on GPU ray tracing—equip the reader to design and employ a full-featured rendering system capable of creating stunning imagery.

new year new rules new lines [flak] (11:11 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

We have a new edition of POSIX, which means new rules, new regulations, new red tape. But not new lines. Which is to say, posix at long last banishes new lines in file names.

Implementation seems straighforward, but like my mechanic says, it’s $1 knowing what to check and $99 knowing where to check.

POSIX doesn’t officially make a distinction about library functions or system calls, as far as I know. I think the closest hints would be thread cancellation points. We still have a variety of system calls to fix up, beyond the obvious open. Like openat, which is a distinct system call, but not creat which is just a libc wrapper. But in addition to rename and some others I’m probably forgetting, there’s connect with unix sockets.

So obviously don’t want to handle this at every entry point. Peaking at a system call like like sys_open redirects through vn_open, but a few others like sys_mkfifo reveal that all file name resolution in the kernel flows through namei in vfs_lookup.c. This is an ancient function from the days when inodes were the only thing you’d want to convert a name to. Some of its logic now lives in vfs_lookup which bears the comment “This is a very central and rather complicated routine.” So that’s how we know we’re looking in the right place.

It’s not so easy to summarize this function, which seems to consist of nothing but handling for special cases. There’s a lot of digging around with slashes and dots, but eventually we seem to find ourselves looking at the last component. And here we can start making changes. We only want to ban the creation of new forbidden names, not accessing existing files, so we have to allow directory lookups to work, and only fail create operations.

If my mechanic hasn’t lied to me, something like this.

        /*
         * We do special processing on the last component, whether or not it's
         * a directory.  Cache all intervening lookups, but not the final one.
         */
        if (*cp == '\0') {
                if (cnp->cn_nameiop == CREATE) {
                        for (const char *nl = cnp->cn_nameptr; *nl; nl++) {
                                if (*nl == '\n') {
                                        error = EILSEQ;
                                        goto bad;
                                }
                        }
                }

I don’t really care too much about this change itself. There are still other characters awaiting misinterpretation. Is new line so much more dangerous than space? But I wanted to poke around to see where a check might go. Even knowing well of course it goes in namei leaves the question of where exactly.

A Film Grain Comparison [35mmc] (11:00 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Comparison of film grain.

The post A Film Grain Comparison appeared first on 35mmc.

Friday Debrief: Bungee Club, Bikepacking Tasmania, Ultimate Tarp Setup, and More [BIKEPACKING.com] (10:06 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

DebriefThis week’s short and sweet Debrief features new carbon bars from PNW, a bikepacking adventure across Tasmania, fresh Bassi Hog's Back colors, the ultimate bikepacking tarp setup, Wolf Tooth's updated tire pressure calculator, and more. Find it all here…

The post Friday Debrief: Bungee Club, Bikepacking Tasmania, Ultimate Tarp Setup, and More appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Introducing the Bearclaw Bruno: Fat Bikes Aren’t Dead! [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:34 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Bearclaw BrunoThe second fat bike in Bearclaw Bicycle Co.'s range of titanium bicycles is called Bruno, a modern fat bike designed to handle all terrain types with its clearance for massive 26 x 5", 27.5 x 4.5", or 29 x 3.0" tires. Learn more about the Bearclaw Bruno here...

The post Introducing the Bearclaw Bruno: Fat Bikes Aren’t Dead! appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Reader’s Rig: Mads’ Hulsroy Boat Anchor Prototype [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:11 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Hulsroy Boat AnchorThis week's Reader's Rig comes from Danish framebuilder Mads Hulsroy of Hulsroy Cycles, who shares the prototype TIG-welded Boat Anchor he built for riding trails in 2019 and has since converted to his dad bike, complete with a customized, painted-to-match BOB trailer. Check it out here...

The post Reader’s Rig: Mads’ Hulsroy Boat Anchor Prototype appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Rackhackers Cannier DIY Panniers Review: Repurposed with Purpose [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:00 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Rackhackers DIY Canniers ReviewThere are innumerable ways to haul stuff on a bike, but that didn't stop Rackhackers from taking it a step further with their DIY pannier kit, which repurposes readily available hardware and discarded plastic containers for a surprisingly solid setup. We jumped on the opportunity to experiment with the Romanian brand's kit in multiple configurations. Find our Rackhackers Cannier DIY Panniers review here…

The post Rackhackers Cannier DIY Panniers Review: Repurposed with Purpose appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

FTC Finally Sues John Deere Over Years Of ‘Right To Repair’ Abuses [Techdirt] (08:26 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

A few years ago agricultural equipment giant John Deere found itself on the receiving end of an antitrust lawsuit for its efforts to monopolize tractor repair. The lawsuits noted that the company consistently purchased competing repair centers in order to consolidate the sector and force customers into using the company’s own repair facilities, driving up costs and logistical hurdles dramatically for farmers.

John Deere executives have repeatedly promised to do better, then just ignored those promises.

Now the company is on the receiving end of a belated FTC lawsuit over its effort to monopolize repair, something outgoing FTC boss Lina Khan says made operations much more difficult and expensive for farmers the world over:

“Illegal repair restrictions can be devastating for farmers, who rely on affordable and timely repairs to harvest their crops and earn their income,” said FTC Chair Lina M. Khan. “The FTC’s action today seeks to ensure that farmers across America are free to repair their own equipment or use repair shops of their choice—lowering costs, preventing ruinous delays, and promoting fair competition for independent repair shops.”

The FTC lawsuit was filed in conjunction with the states of Illinois and Minnesota.

In addition to intentionally acquiring repair alternatives to monopolize repair and drive up consumer costs, John Deere also routinely makes repair difficult and costly through the act of software locks, obnoxious DRM restrictions, and “parts pairing” — which involves only allowing the installation of company-certified replacement parts — or mandatory collections of company-blessed components.

More recently, the company has been striking meaningless “memorandums of understanding” with key trade groups, pinky swearing to stop their bad behavior if the groups agree to not support state or federal right to repair legislation. Several such groups backed off their criticism, only to have John Deere continue its monopolistic behavior, the FTC’s complaint notes.

Several class action antitrust suits and ample warning from the FTC wasn’t enough to deter John Deere. The FTC’s suit comes as Lina Khan heads out the door, and it’s more than possible that Trump 2.0 — keen on taking a hatchet to what’s left of U,S, corporate oversight and consumer protection — either kills or undermines FTC legal efforts to finally hold John Deere accountable. You know, for “populism.”

2025 Fat Pursuit: Across a Winter Wonderland [BIKEPACKING.com] (07:25 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

fat pursuit 2025Nearly 150 cyclists, runners, and skiers started the new year by participating in the 12th annual Fat Pursuit event in Idaho, taking on a 60- or 200-kilometer route through enchanting wintry conditions. Photographer Eddie Clark was in the thick of it, and he put together a stunning gallery of photos and a recap of how the event played out...

The post 2025 Fat Pursuit: Across a Winter Wonderland appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

2025 Fat Pursuit: Across a Winter Wonderland [BIKEPACKING.com] (07:25 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

fat pursuit 2025Nearly 150 cyclists, runners, and skiers started the new year by participating in the 12th annual Fat Pursuit event in Idaho, taking on a 60- or 200-kilometer route through enchanting wintry conditions. Photographer Eddie Clark was in the thick of it, and he put together a stunning gallery of photos and a recap of how the event played out...

The post 2025 Fat Pursuit: Across a Winter Wonderland appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Wollensak 5″ f/3.5 Projector Lens Adapting Journey (and Failure) [35mmc] (05:00 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

I ran into this lens during a trip to bop around the local thrift store with friends one afternoon. I picked it up off of a Revere 553 Projector, of which I have, surprisingly, run into several copies of since then. I was really excited when I first picked it up, and I was excited...

The post Wollensak 5″ f/3.5 Projector Lens Adapting Journey (and Failure) appeared first on 35mmc.

Virginia’s emergency response has been hampered by a lack of resources for years. Advocates and lawmakers hope 2025 is the year that will change. [Cardinal News] (04:45 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Water begins to overrun a bridge at Konnarock along the Washington-Smyth county line on Friday, Sept. 26, as inland effects of Hurricane Helene begin to be felt in Virginia. Courtesy of Virginia State Police.

Tim Duffer was a firefighter when Tropical Storm Michael hit Danville in 2018 and caused widespread flooding that led to the deaths of five people across Virginia’s Southside. 

Rescue personnel attend to a stranded vehicle in Oct 10, 2018, flooding resulting from Tropical Storm Michael. Courtesy of Danville Life Saving and First Aid Crew, Inc.
Rescue personnel attend to a stranded vehicle in Oct 10, 2018, flooding resulting from Tropical Storm Michael. Courtesy of Danville Life Saving and First Aid Crew, Inc.

“I don’t want to ever see citizens die because they drove into water,” he said. “A part of that’s education, being able to have the resources and the time to go out there and educate people on, ‘Hey, don’t drive into this water.’ People don’t know that — they think they can do it.”

Shortly after Michael hit, Duffer became the deputy fire chief and the city’s emergency management director, two roles with high demands in keeping citizens safe. Emergency managers do everything from disaster preparation and mitigation, to community outreach and education, to grant writing, to coordinating disaster response and recovery. That role, though it may sound like it is enough for a dedicated employee, is tackled by many who already have jobs in localities across the commonwealth. 

Tim Duffer
Tim Duffer

Among 42 localities across the Southwest and Southside regions, about 14 have full-time emergency managers, according to data provided by the Virginia Department of Emergency Management. Many of the remaining 28 localities have emergency managers who, like Duffer, split their time between that role and another full-time job.

In the aftermath of Tropical Storm Michael, which caused more than $10 million in damage to the city, working as both the deputy fire chief and the city’s emergency manager was like “drinking water from a firehose,” said Duffer, who was in Richmond on Thursday on behalf of the Virginia Emergency Management Agency to support legislative efforts to bring more resources to emergency management across the state.

Years ago, Danville had a full-time, dedicated emergency manager, but a number of positions were consolidated into one in departments across the city during the 2008 recession. 

“The city had to make hard choices,” Duffer said. 

Those cuts led to a lack of staffing, he said, and emergency management became more reactive rather than proactive, in areas across the state that lack full-time, dedicated emergency managers. 

“We need to be meeting, we need to be planning. I tell people, I don’t like to meet people on the scene of a crisis, I want to meet them before,” Duffer said. “Let’s have a blue sky day to meet.”

Hurricane Helene drove home a need for emergency management resources

Roanoke-based storm chaser Chris White captured this low-hanging funnel cloud with strong rotation near Climax in Pittsylvania County on Friday, Sept. 26, as the remnant circulation of Hurricane Helene was moving just west and south of our region. Courtesy of Chris White.
Roanoke-based storm chaser Chris White captured this low-hanging funnel cloud with strong rotation near Climax in Pittsylvania County on Friday, Sept. 26, as the remnant circulation of Hurricane Helene was moving just west and south of our region. Courtesy of Chris White.

Danville didn’t see as much widespread flooding during Hurricane Helene as other localities in Southwest Virginia, but the storm did spin off tornadoes around the area. Those tornadoes damaged parts of Pittsylvania County and infrastructure for utilities administered by Danville in the county, Duffer said.

As Southwest Virginia continues to recover from Helene, four months later, lawmakers from the region have shifted their focus to Richmond and what they can do during the 2025 General Assembly session to offer support and resources to support emergency management ahead of the next disaster. 

Bill Stanley
Sen. Bill Stanley, R-Franklin County. Photo by Bob Brown.

Sen. Bill Stanley, R-Franklin County, and Del. Alex Askew, D-Virginia Beach, have introduced companion legislation in the state Senate and House of Delegates that would create a state fund and grant program to support emergency management programs and personnel across the state. 

The Virginia Department of Emergency Management, or VDEM, had also submitted a request to include $15.68 million in the budget amendments to be considered during the 2025 session. That money would go toward hiring of dedicated, full-time emergency management personnel in localities that are lacking, or toward other mitigation efforts to prepare for future disasters. The money was not included in Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s budget amendment request. Youngkin did include about $127 million in his budget amendment proposal for Helene-related damage and to establish a standing fund to support recovery after future disasters. 

The state agency relies on non-disaster federal grants to fund 65% of its core functions but that federal funding has not kept up with inflation and a 10% reduction in that funding occurred in fiscal year 2024, said Brian Misner, legislative co-chair for the Virginia Emergency Management Association.

“This is not the first time there have been similar asks from the agency,” Misner said during a presentation to a House appropriations subcommittee meeting on Wednesday. VEMA is made up of more than 900 emergency management employees who work across all levels of government, health care, education, the military and other industries.

Misner noted that the funding request, if granted, would allow for VDEM to funnel money down to localities through grants for full-time emergency management positions, the purchase of shelters, if necessary, to aid in disaster response and other preparation and response expenses. 

“It really would help us with that local focus of making sure each community had a baseline capability to be able to work with each other in the region,” he said. 

About 25% of the localities across the commonwealth have a full-time emergency manager, with enough staff to maintain essential program functions, Misner told the House subcommittee. Many localities don’t have full-time, dedicated emergency management personnel. 

“We are concerned that this is not a sustainable approach,” Misner said.

He noted that many disasters start and end at the local level and many fail to reach the threshold necessary to trigger post-disaster assistance from federal agencies. 

Nationally, he said, insurance companies are canceling homeowners and renters policies in high-risk areas and the cost of flood insurance can be prohibitively high for many.  

“It hasn’t quite crept up to Virginia yet, but it’s starting to,” he said. 

What full-time emergency management could look like

Floodwaters from the New River at a level not seen since 1940 inundate athletic fields at Radford University the day after the remnants of Hurricane Helene passed across the region. Drone photo courtesy of Brian Lusk.

Peter McCann, director of the Office of Emergency Management at Radford University, works full time as an emergency manager. 

Radford University was flooded when the New River surged, following Hurricane Helene. Parking lots and athletic fields were underwater after the river rose significantly higher than anticipated. Electrical equipment that had been installed on or near the ground in those facilities had been affected by the flooding. 

Peter McCann
Peter McCann, Director of Emergency Management, Radford University

McCann said his office altered plans in real time and pulled together a damage assessment for repairs and rebuilds after the floodwaters receded. “We’re still not completely, fully back and operational in all aspects,” he said, nearly four months after the disaster hit. “We’re still in the recovery process.”

McCann’s office put in resource requests to the state to prepare for flooding. They filled and placed sandbags around facilities and braced for the worst. 

“For us, now, it’s looking like, alright, this happened once, it could happen again, what do we need to do to mitigate against those circumstances?” said McCann, who also was in Richmond on Thursday on behalf of VEMA to support the bill.

McCann said he tries to help surrounding localities that don’t have a dedicated emergency manager as much as possible to prepare for when disaster could strike. That help looks like assistance in coordinating response and recovery following a disaster. 

“If you have someone dedicated to it, you’re looking at mitigation ahead of time, a lot of  preparedness, getting plans in place,” he said. 

That mitigation can look like considering all outcomes of a potential disaster, preparing for those outcomes, educating the community, and coordinating efforts with surrounding localities to make disaster-related losses as small as possible. 

The post Virginia’s emergency response has been hampered by a lack of resources for years. Advocates and lawmakers hope 2025 is the year that will change.  appeared first on Cardinal News.

Virginia’s emergency response has been hampered by a lack of resources for years. Advocates and lawmakers hope 2025 is the year that will change. [Cardinal News] (04:45 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Water begins to overrun a bridge at Konnarock along the Washington-Smyth county line on Friday, Sept. 26, as inland effects of Hurricane Helene begin to be felt in Virginia. Courtesy of Virginia State Police.

Tim Duffer was a firefighter when Tropical Storm Michael hit Danville in 2018 and caused widespread flooding that led to the deaths of five people across Virginia’s Southside. 

Rescue personnel attend to a stranded vehicle in Oct 10, 2018, flooding resulting from Tropical Storm Michael. Courtesy of Danville Life Saving and First Aid Crew, Inc.
Rescue personnel attend to a stranded vehicle in Oct 10, 2018, flooding resulting from Tropical Storm Michael. Courtesy of Danville Life Saving and First Aid Crew, Inc.

“I don’t want to ever see citizens die because they drove into water,” he said. “A part of that’s education, being able to have the resources and the time to go out there and educate people on, ‘Hey, don’t drive into this water.’ People don’t know that — they think they can do it.”

Shortly after Michael hit, Duffer became the deputy fire chief and the city’s emergency management director, two roles with high demands in keeping citizens safe. Emergency managers do everything from disaster preparation and mitigation, to community outreach and education, to grant writing, to coordinating disaster response and recovery. That role, though it may sound like it is enough for a dedicated employee, is tackled by many who already have jobs in localities across the commonwealth. 

Tim Duffer
Tim Duffer

Among 42 localities across the Southwest and Southside regions, about 14 have full-time emergency managers, according to data provided by the Virginia Department of Emergency Management. Many of the remaining 28 localities have emergency managers who, like Duffer, split their time between that role and another full-time job.

In the aftermath of Tropical Storm Michael, which caused more than $10 million in damage to the city, working as both the deputy fire chief and the city’s emergency manager was like “drinking water from a firehose,” said Duffer, who was in Richmond on Thursday on behalf of the Virginia Emergency Management Agency to support legislative efforts to bring more resources to emergency management across the state.

Years ago, Danville had a full-time, dedicated emergency manager, but a number of positions were consolidated into one in departments across the city during the 2008 recession. 

“The city had to make hard choices,” Duffer said. 

Those cuts led to a lack of staffing, he said, and emergency management became more reactive rather than proactive, in areas across the state that lack full-time, dedicated emergency managers. 

“We need to be meeting, we need to be planning. I tell people, I don’t like to meet people on the scene of a crisis, I want to meet them before,” Duffer said. “Let’s have a blue sky day to meet.”

Hurricane Helene drove home a need for emergency management resources

Roanoke-based storm chaser Chris White captured this low-hanging funnel cloud with strong rotation near Climax in Pittsylvania County on Friday, Sept. 26, as the remnant circulation of Hurricane Helene was moving just west and south of our region. Courtesy of Chris White.
Roanoke-based storm chaser Chris White captured this low-hanging funnel cloud with strong rotation near Climax in Pittsylvania County on Friday, Sept. 26, as the remnant circulation of Hurricane Helene was moving just west and south of our region. Courtesy of Chris White.

Danville didn’t see as much widespread flooding during Hurricane Helene as other localities in Southwest Virginia, but the storm did spin off tornadoes around the area. Those tornadoes damaged parts of Pittsylvania County and infrastructure for utilities administered by Danville in the county, Duffer said.

As Southwest Virginia continues to recover from Helene, four months later, lawmakers from the region have shifted their focus to Richmond and what they can do during the 2025 General Assembly session to offer support and resources to support emergency management ahead of the next disaster. 

Bill Stanley
Sen. Bill Stanley, R-Franklin County. Photo by Bob Brown.

Sen. Bill Stanley, R-Franklin County, and Del. Alex Askew, D-Virginia Beach, have introduced companion legislation in the state Senate and House of Delegates that would create a state fund and grant program to support emergency management programs and personnel across the state. 

The Virginia Department of Emergency Management, or VDEM, had also submitted a request to include $15.68 million in the budget amendments to be considered during the 2025 session. That money would go toward hiring of dedicated, full-time emergency management personnel in localities that are lacking, or toward other mitigation efforts to prepare for future disasters. The money was not included in Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s budget amendment request. Youngkin did include about $127 million in his budget amendment proposal for Helene-related damage and to establish a standing fund to support recovery after future disasters. 

The state agency relies on non-disaster federal grants to fund 65% of its core functions but that federal funding has not kept up with inflation and a 10% reduction in that funding occurred in fiscal year 2024, said Brian Misner, legislative co-chair for the Virginia Emergency Management Association.

“This is not the first time there have been similar asks from the agency,” Misner said during a presentation to a House appropriations subcommittee meeting on Wednesday. VEMA is made up of more than 900 emergency management employees who work across all levels of government, health care, education, the military and other industries.

Misner noted that the funding request, if granted, would allow for VDEM to funnel money down to localities through grants for full-time emergency management positions, the purchase of shelters, if necessary, to aid in disaster response and other preparation and response expenses. 

“It really would help us with that local focus of making sure each community had a baseline capability to be able to work with each other in the region,” he said. 

About 25% of the localities across the commonwealth have a full-time emergency manager, with enough staff to maintain essential program functions, Misner told the House subcommittee. Many localities don’t have full-time, dedicated emergency management personnel. 

“We are concerned that this is not a sustainable approach,” Misner said.

He noted that many disasters start and end at the local level and many fail to reach the threshold necessary to trigger post-disaster assistance from federal agencies. 

Nationally, he said, insurance companies are canceling homeowners and renters policies in high-risk areas and the cost of flood insurance can be prohibitively high for many.  

“It hasn’t quite crept up to Virginia yet, but it’s starting to,” he said. 

What full-time emergency management could look like

Floodwaters from the New River at a level not seen since 1940 inundate athletic fields at Radford University the day after the remnants of Hurricane Helene passed across the region. Drone photo courtesy of Brian Lusk.

Peter McCann, director of the Office of Emergency Management at Radford University, works full time as an emergency manager. 

Radford University was flooded when the New River surged, following Hurricane Helene. Parking lots and athletic fields were underwater after the river rose significantly higher than anticipated. Electrical equipment that had been installed on or near the ground in those facilities had been affected by the flooding. 

Peter McCann
Peter McCann, Director of Emergency Management, Radford University

McCann said his office altered plans in real time and pulled together a damage assessment for repairs and rebuilds after the floodwaters receded. “We’re still not completely, fully back and operational in all aspects,” he said, nearly four months after the disaster hit. “We’re still in the recovery process.”

McCann’s office put in resource requests to the state to prepare for flooding. They filled and placed sandbags around facilities and braced for the worst. 

“For us, now, it’s looking like, alright, this happened once, it could happen again, what do we need to do to mitigate against those circumstances?” said McCann, who also was in Richmond on Thursday on behalf of VEMA to support the bill.

McCann said he tries to help surrounding localities that don’t have a dedicated emergency manager as much as possible to prepare for when disaster could strike. That help looks like assistance in coordinating response and recovery following a disaster. 

“If you have someone dedicated to it, you’re looking at mitigation ahead of time, a lot of  preparedness, getting plans in place,” he said. 

That mitigation can look like considering all outcomes of a potential disaster, preparing for those outcomes, educating the community, and coordinating efforts with surrounding localities to make disaster-related losses as small as possible. 

The post Virginia’s emergency response has been hampered by a lack of resources for years. Advocates and lawmakers hope 2025 is the year that will change.  appeared first on Cardinal News.

Virginia’s emergency response has been hampered by a lack of resources for years. Advocates and lawmakers hope 2025 is the year that will change. [Cardinal News] (04:45 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Water begins to overrun a bridge at Konnarock along the Washington-Smyth county line on Friday, Sept. 26, as inland effects of Hurricane Helene begin to be felt in Virginia. Courtesy of Virginia State Police.

Tim Duffer was a firefighter when Tropical Storm Michael hit Danville in 2018 and caused widespread flooding that led to the deaths of five people across Virginia’s Southside. 

Rescue personnel attend to a stranded vehicle in Oct 10, 2018, flooding resulting from Tropical Storm Michael. Courtesy of Danville Life Saving and First Aid Crew, Inc.
Rescue personnel attend to a stranded vehicle in Oct 10, 2018, flooding resulting from Tropical Storm Michael. Courtesy of Danville Life Saving and First Aid Crew, Inc.

“I don’t want to ever see citizens die because they drove into water,” he said. “A part of that’s education, being able to have the resources and the time to go out there and educate people on, ‘Hey, don’t drive into this water.’ People don’t know that — they think they can do it.”

Shortly after Michael hit, Duffer became the deputy fire chief and the city’s emergency management director, two roles with high demands in keeping citizens safe. Emergency managers do everything from disaster preparation and mitigation, to community outreach and education, to grant writing, to coordinating disaster response and recovery. That role, though it may sound like it is enough for a dedicated employee, is tackled by many who already have jobs in localities across the commonwealth. 

Tim Duffer
Tim Duffer

Among 42 localities across the Southwest and Southside regions, about 14 have full-time emergency managers, according to data provided by the Virginia Department of Emergency Management. Many of the remaining 28 localities have emergency managers who, like Duffer, split their time between that role and another full-time job.

In the aftermath of Tropical Storm Michael, which caused more than $10 million in damage to the city, working as both the deputy fire chief and the city’s emergency manager was like “drinking water from a firehose,” said Duffer, who was in Richmond on Thursday on behalf of the Virginia Emergency Management Agency to support legislative efforts to bring more resources to emergency management across the state.

Years ago, Danville had a full-time, dedicated emergency manager, but a number of positions were consolidated into one in departments across the city during the 2008 recession. 

“The city had to make hard choices,” Duffer said. 

Those cuts led to a lack of staffing, he said, and emergency management became more reactive rather than proactive, in areas across the state that lack full-time, dedicated emergency managers. 

“We need to be meeting, we need to be planning. I tell people, I don’t like to meet people on the scene of a crisis, I want to meet them before,” Duffer said. “Let’s have a blue sky day to meet.”

Hurricane Helene drove home a need for emergency management resources

Roanoke-based storm chaser Chris White captured this low-hanging funnel cloud with strong rotation near Climax in Pittsylvania County on Friday, Sept. 26, as the remnant circulation of Hurricane Helene was moving just west and south of our region. Courtesy of Chris White.
Roanoke-based storm chaser Chris White captured this low-hanging funnel cloud with strong rotation near Climax in Pittsylvania County on Friday, Sept. 26, as the remnant circulation of Hurricane Helene was moving just west and south of our region. Courtesy of Chris White.

Danville didn’t see as much widespread flooding during Hurricane Helene as other localities in Southwest Virginia, but the storm did spin off tornadoes around the area. Those tornadoes damaged parts of Pittsylvania County and infrastructure for utilities administered by Danville in the county, Duffer said.

As Southwest Virginia continues to recover from Helene, four months later, lawmakers from the region have shifted their focus to Richmond and what they can do during the 2025 General Assembly session to offer support and resources to support emergency management ahead of the next disaster. 

Bill Stanley
Sen. Bill Stanley, R-Franklin County. Photo by Bob Brown.

Sen. Bill Stanley, R-Franklin County, and Del. Alex Askew, D-Virginia Beach, have introduced companion legislation in the state Senate and House of Delegates that would create a state fund and grant program to support emergency management programs and personnel across the state. 

The Virginia Department of Emergency Management, or VDEM, had also submitted a request to include $15.68 million in the budget amendments to be considered during the 2025 session. That money would go toward hiring of dedicated, full-time emergency management personnel in localities that are lacking, or toward other mitigation efforts to prepare for future disasters. The money was not included in Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s budget amendment request. Youngkin did include about $127 million in his budget amendment proposal for Helene-related damage and to establish a standing fund to support recovery after future disasters. 

The state agency relies on non-disaster federal grants to fund 65% of its core functions but that federal funding has not kept up with inflation and a 10% reduction in that funding occurred in fiscal year 2024, said Brian Misner, legislative co-chair for the Virginia Emergency Management Association.

“This is not the first time there have been similar asks from the agency,” Misner said during a presentation to a House appropriations subcommittee meeting on Wednesday. VEMA is made up of more than 900 emergency management employees who work across all levels of government, health care, education, the military and other industries.

Misner noted that the funding request, if granted, would allow for VDEM to funnel money down to localities through grants for full-time emergency management positions, the purchase of shelters, if necessary, to aid in disaster response and other preparation and response expenses. 

“It really would help us with that local focus of making sure each community had a baseline capability to be able to work with each other in the region,” he said. 

About 25% of the localities across the commonwealth have a full-time emergency manager, with enough staff to maintain essential program functions, Misner told the House subcommittee. Many localities don’t have full-time, dedicated emergency management personnel. 

“We are concerned that this is not a sustainable approach,” Misner said.

He noted that many disasters start and end at the local level and many fail to reach the threshold necessary to trigger post-disaster assistance from federal agencies. 

Nationally, he said, insurance companies are canceling homeowners and renters policies in high-risk areas and the cost of flood insurance can be prohibitively high for many.  

“It hasn’t quite crept up to Virginia yet, but it’s starting to,” he said. 

What full-time emergency management could look like

Floodwaters from the New River at a level not seen since 1940 inundate athletic fields at Radford University the day after the remnants of Hurricane Helene passed across the region. Drone photo courtesy of Brian Lusk.

Peter McCann, director of the Office of Emergency Management at Radford University, works full time as an emergency manager. 

Radford University was flooded when the New River surged, following Hurricane Helene. Parking lots and athletic fields were underwater after the river rose significantly higher than anticipated. Electrical equipment that had been installed on or near the ground in those facilities had been affected by the flooding. 

Peter McCann
Peter McCann, Director of Emergency Management, Radford University

McCann said his office altered plans in real time and pulled together a damage assessment for repairs and rebuilds after the floodwaters receded. “We’re still not completely, fully back and operational in all aspects,” he said, nearly four months after the disaster hit. “We’re still in the recovery process.”

McCann’s office put in resource requests to the state to prepare for flooding. They filled and placed sandbags around facilities and braced for the worst. 

“For us, now, it’s looking like, alright, this happened once, it could happen again, what do we need to do to mitigate against those circumstances?” said McCann, who also was in Richmond on Thursday on behalf of VEMA to support the bill.

McCann said he tries to help surrounding localities that don’t have a dedicated emergency manager as much as possible to prepare for when disaster could strike. That help looks like assistance in coordinating response and recovery following a disaster. 

“If you have someone dedicated to it, you’re looking at mitigation ahead of time, a lot of  preparedness, getting plans in place,” he said. 

That mitigation can look like considering all outcomes of a potential disaster, preparing for those outcomes, educating the community, and coordinating efforts with surrounding localities to make disaster-related losses as small as possible. 

The post Virginia’s emergency response has been hampered by a lack of resources for years. Advocates and lawmakers hope 2025 is the year that will change.  appeared first on Cardinal News.

4 things Trump (or any president) can’t do much about [Cardinal News] (04:15 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Donald Trump is set to become president again, amid great hopes from some and great fears from others.

The president of the United States, whoever that may be, is often called the most powerful person in the world, and anyone who is in charge of 5,000 or more nuclear warheads certainly qualifies. However, now is a useful time to remind everyone of certain trends that are reshaping our society where a president’s powers are limited to nonexistent.

Let’s take a look at some of them — and how they relate specifically to Virginia.

1. Will birth rates continue to decline?

A Congressional Budget Office report projects that in 2033, deaths will start to outnumber births. After that date, any population growth will have to come from immigration. Source: CBO.
A Congressional Budget Office report projects that in 2033, deaths will start to outnumber births. After that date, any population growth will have to come from immigration. Source: CBO.

Birth rates have been falling around much of the world, a combination of social and economic factors. In the post-war era, the birth rate in the United States topped out at 3.582 children per woman, fell beneath the so-called “replacement rate” of 2.1 in 1973 and has never gotten higher. The birth rate bottomed out at 1.772 in 1978, rose slightly above 2.0 (but not above the replacement rate) for much of the 1990s and early 2000s, but then fell again after the Great Recession of 2008 and never recovered. Last year, it was 1.786, a figure that’s stayed essentially flat through Trump’s first term and Joe Biden’s term.

Focusing on the rate, though, masks the actual number of babies being born. Keep in mind there are multiple trends taking place here — the population is aging (reducing the number of women in their child-bearing years), but immigration is also boosting the population (and immigrants tend to be younger). The result: In 2007, the United States saw a record 4.32 million births. Since then, though, that number has fallen almost every year. In 2020, it hit a low of 3.61 million. In 2023, the U.S. saw 3.6 million babies born; preliminary figures suggest the 2024 figure may be as low as 3.31 million.

The number to pay attention to here is the gap between that 2007 high and all the years that follow. In plain language, 2023 saw 700,000 fewer babies born than 2007; 2024 may have seen 1 million fewer babies born.

This has ramifications we haven’t fully grasped yet. Colleges sure have: This is the so-called “enrollment cliff,” a precipitous drop-off in the number of traditional college-age students, which is why we see Roanoke College adding football and Randolph College adding certain sports. They’re all scrambling to make sure they keep their enrollment numbers up. Beyond that, we’re looking at workforce shortages in the future that will dwarf the ones we have now. These numbers also jeopardize many government programs that depend on younger generations paying for older ones ahead of them — Social Security, for instance.

At some point, the federal government will have to deal with the consequences of these declining birth rates but seems poorly placed to change them.

Some governments around the world have tried various policies to boost the number of births but haven’t had much luck. These are very personal decisions that politicians can’t do much about (although subsidizing more child care would help some). Governments can, though, move these numbers through immigration. That’s what Canada has tried to do with high immigration; it has similar gaps and wants to close them. However, Trump’s goal to deport undocumented immigrants would widen them. Meanwhile, a Congressional Budget Office report this week projected that, due to an aging population and declining birth rates, deaths will outnumber births in 2033 — which means that the United States would lose population for the first time ever. The only way to overcome that is through immigration. A recent study by Old Dominion University found that, without immigration, Virginia would now be losing population. There are legitimate concerns about having too much population growth, but population decline is invariably linked to economic decline. That is definitely not a way to make any country great again.

2. Will we continue to see more migration to rural areas?

This map shows which localities have seen more people move in than move out — or vice versa. Note that a county might see more people moving in but still lose population because deaths outnumber births — and the net in-migration. Courtesy of Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service, University of Virginia.
This map shows which localities have seen more people move in than move out — or vice versa. Note that a county might see more people moving in but still lose population because deaths outnumber births — and the net in-migration. Courtesy of Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service, University of Virginia.

The pandemic has triggered an unexpected trend: More people are now moving into rural areas. In Virginia, most rural areas are now seeing more people move in than move out, a reversal of what has been happening.

This hasn’t been enough to cause many of these counties to gain population, yet. With an aging population in many of those places, the moving vans coming in are still outnumbered by hearses going out. Still, this is a welcome trend for those who worried their communities were withering away. One of the drivers behind this migration (although by no means the only one) has been the popularity of remote work. We are now seeing some employers calling workers back into the office; Trump wants the federal government to be one of those. However, the long-term number (outlined above) suggests that if there’s a worker shortage, the power will be with the workers — so don’t look for remote work to go away.

The question is whether the migration we’ve seen so far represents the start of a trend or the entire trend.

3. Will growth in manufacturing continue to be sluggish?

Manufacturing jobs in the United States, 1939-2024. Source: Federal Reserve of St. Louis.
Manufacturing jobs in the United States, 1939-2024. Source: Federal Reserve of St. Louis.

Here’s an area where Trump would like to have influence but history suggests he can’t. One of the biggest changes over the past few decades has been the collapse of manufacturing in many places. We have lots of places across Southwest and Southside that have seen this firsthand. Manufacturing jobs in the U.S. peaked in June 1979 at 19.55 million. They declined through the ’80s and ’90s and were at about 17 million in early 2001. Then came the big collapse — Danville and Martinsville and other places can tell you about how their major employers were virtually wiped out. Or sometimes actually wiped out. The nation’s manufacturing workforce hit bottom in February 2010 at 11.45 million. By the time Trump took office in January 2017 the nation had 12.37 million manufacturing jobs, and just before the pandemic hit the number had edged up to 12.78 million. Under Biden, those numbers have come back and most recently stood at 12.87 million. Both Trump and Biden tried, in their own way, to boost American manufacturing. Trump had a little more success than Biden but, in the context of history, neither president’s policies changed things very much. The free market has its own ideas, and a declining labor pool is likely to force manufacturers to turn more to robotics.

4. How will the nation’s energy mix change?

How the nation's energy mix has changed. Source: U.S. Energy Information Administration.
How the nation’s energy mix has changed. Source: U.S. Energy Information Administration.

Both Trump and Biden had clear ideas on what fuels we should be using; neither has really gotten his way because the marketplace has been a stronger force than any presidential policy. Trump came into office declaring he would “bring back King Coal.” He did not. U.S. coal production rose slightly his first year in office, but then declined and, even before the pandemic hit, was lower than when he took office. Coal’s role in domestic energy production also declined during his term, from 29.8% to 23.3% before the pandemic hit (I’m not counting 2020 because that skews things). More coal-fired plants were retired under Trump than under Barack Obama’s second term, according to E&E News. Many coal plants were aging, and utilities had little interest in investing in new ones.

Biden, by contrast, wanted to promote renewables, but while it seems we have a lot more — just look at the solar farms across Southside — the national statistics say otherwise. Renewables do now constitute the second-biggest source of electricity in the country, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration, but that’s primarily because coal has declined even more. The actual share of electricity production that comes from renewables hasn’t changed that much — from 17.6% in 2019 under Trump to 18.7% under Biden in 2023. The big fuel source under both presidents has been natural gas.

Trump says he wants no more wind energy built, but that seems unlikely to happen, not when the states most dependent on wind are solidly Republican-voting ones. South Dakota now gets 60% of its energy from wind, Iowa 54.7%.

In Virginia, in December, the General Assembly’s research arm, the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission, released an eye-opening report that projected energy demands in the state could triple by 2040 unless the growth of data centers slows down. Given those demands, market pressure is likely to overwhelm much of whatever any president wants. Presidents look at four-year election cycles; utilities look at 40-year investment cycles.

There are plenty of things Trump can change, if he chooses. He can deport people. He can lay on tariffs that disrupt trade patterns. He could invade Greenland, for that matter. I certainly don’t mean to diminish the magnitude of the choices that Americans were offered in November. However, it’s also wise to remember that many of the forces reshaping our society are impervious to politics. 

Are you ready for some football?

Virginia Tech (in white) plays Boston College in 2007. Courtesy of User B.
Virginia Tech (in white) plays Boston College in 2007. Courtesy of User B.

In this week’s West of the Capital, our weekly political newsletter, I’ll tell you about a bill pending before the General Assembly that would change the football schedule at some of Virginia’s colleges. West of the Capital goes out on Friday afternoons. You can sign up for this or any of our newsletters below:

The post 4 things Trump (or any president) can’t do much about appeared first on Cardinal News.

4 things Trump (or any president) can’t do much about [Cardinal News] (04:15 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Donald Trump is set to become president again, amid great hopes from some and great fears from others.

The president of the United States, whoever that may be, is often called the most powerful person in the world, and anyone who is in charge of 5,000 or more nuclear warheads certainly qualifies. However, now is a useful time to remind everyone of certain trends that are reshaping our society where a president’s powers are limited to nonexistent.

Let’s take a look at some of them — and how they relate specifically to Virginia.

1. Will birth rates continue to decline?

A Congressional Budget Office report projects that in 2033, deaths will start to outnumber births. After that date, any population growth will have to come from immigration. Source: CBO.
A Congressional Budget Office report projects that in 2033, deaths will start to outnumber births. After that date, any population growth will have to come from immigration. Source: CBO.

Birth rates have been falling around much of the world, a combination of social and economic factors. In the post-war era, the birth rate in the United States topped out at 3.582 children per woman, fell beneath the so-called “replacement rate” of 2.1 in 1973 and has never gotten higher. The birth rate bottomed out at 1.772 in 1978, rose slightly above 2.0 (but not above the replacement rate) for much of the 1990s and early 2000s, but then fell again after the Great Recession of 2008 and never recovered. Last year, it was 1.786, a figure that’s stayed essentially flat through Trump’s first term and Joe Biden’s term.

Focusing on the rate, though, masks the actual number of babies being born. Keep in mind there are multiple trends taking place here — the population is aging (reducing the number of women in their child-bearing years), but immigration is also boosting the population (and immigrants tend to be younger). The result: In 2007, the United States saw a record 4.32 million births. Since then, though, that number has fallen almost every year. In 2020, it hit a low of 3.61 million. In 2023, the U.S. saw 3.6 million babies born; preliminary figures suggest the 2024 figure may be as low as 3.31 million.

The number to pay attention to here is the gap between that 2007 high and all the years that follow. In plain language, 2023 saw 700,000 fewer babies born than 2007; 2024 may have seen 1 million fewer babies born.

This has ramifications we haven’t fully grasped yet. Colleges sure have: This is the so-called “enrollment cliff,” a precipitous drop-off in the number of traditional college-age students, which is why we see Roanoke College adding football and Randolph College adding certain sports. They’re all scrambling to make sure they keep their enrollment numbers up. Beyond that, we’re looking at workforce shortages in the future that will dwarf the ones we have now. These numbers also jeopardize many government programs that depend on younger generations paying for older ones ahead of them — Social Security, for instance.

At some point, the federal government will have to deal with the consequences of these declining birth rates but seems poorly placed to change them.

Some governments around the world have tried various policies to boost the number of births but haven’t had much luck. These are very personal decisions that politicians can’t do much about (although subsidizing more child care would help some). Governments can, though, move these numbers through immigration. That’s what Canada has tried to do with high immigration; it has similar gaps and wants to close them. However, Trump’s goal to deport undocumented immigrants would widen them. Meanwhile, a Congressional Budget Office report this week projected that, due to an aging population and declining birth rates, deaths will outnumber births in 2033 — which means that the United States would lose population for the first time ever. The only way to overcome that is through immigration. A recent study by Old Dominion University found that, without immigration, Virginia would now be losing population. There are legitimate concerns about having too much population growth, but population decline is invariably linked to economic decline. That is definitely not a way to make any country great again.

2. Will we continue to see more migration to rural areas?

This map shows which localities have seen more people move in than move out — or vice versa. Note that a county might see more people moving in but still lose population because deaths outnumber births — and the net in-migration. Courtesy of Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service, University of Virginia.
This map shows which localities have seen more people move in than move out — or vice versa. Note that a county might see more people moving in but still lose population because deaths outnumber births — and the net in-migration. Courtesy of Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service, University of Virginia.

The pandemic has triggered an unexpected trend: More people are now moving into rural areas. In Virginia, most rural areas are now seeing more people move in than move out, a reversal of what has been happening.

This hasn’t been enough to cause many of these counties to gain population, yet. With an aging population in many of those places, the moving vans coming in are still outnumbered by hearses going out. Still, this is a welcome trend for those who worried their communities were withering away. One of the drivers behind this migration (although by no means the only one) has been the popularity of remote work. We are now seeing some employers calling workers back into the office; Trump wants the federal government to be one of those. However, the long-term number (outlined above) suggests that if there’s a worker shortage, the power will be with the workers — so don’t look for remote work to go away.

The question is whether the migration we’ve seen so far represents the start of a trend or the entire trend.

3. Will growth in manufacturing continue to be sluggish?

Manufacturing jobs in the United States, 1939-2024. Source: Federal Reserve of St. Louis.
Manufacturing jobs in the United States, 1939-2024. Source: Federal Reserve of St. Louis.

Here’s an area where Trump would like to have influence but history suggests he can’t. One of the biggest changes over the past few decades has been the collapse of manufacturing in many places. We have lots of places across Southwest and Southside that have seen this firsthand. Manufacturing jobs in the U.S. peaked in June 1979 at 19.55 million. They declined through the ’80s and ’90s and were at about 17 million in early 2001. Then came the big collapse — Danville and Martinsville and other places can tell you about how their major employers were virtually wiped out. Or sometimes actually wiped out. The nation’s manufacturing workforce hit bottom in February 2010 at 11.45 million. By the time Trump took office in January 2017 the nation had 12.37 million manufacturing jobs, and just before the pandemic hit the number had edged up to 12.78 million. Under Biden, those numbers have come back and most recently stood at 12.87 million. Both Trump and Biden tried, in their own way, to boost American manufacturing. Trump had a little more success than Biden but, in the context of history, neither president’s policies changed things very much. The free market has its own ideas, and a declining labor pool is likely to force manufacturers to turn more to robotics.

4. How will the nation’s energy mix change?

How the nation's energy mix has changed. Source: U.S. Energy Information Administration.
How the nation’s energy mix has changed. Source: U.S. Energy Information Administration.

Both Trump and Biden had clear ideas on what fuels we should be using; neither has really gotten his way because the marketplace has been a stronger force than any presidential policy. Trump came into office declaring he would “bring back King Coal.” He did not. U.S. coal production rose slightly his first year in office, but then declined and, even before the pandemic hit, was lower than when he took office. Coal’s role in domestic energy production also declined during his term, from 29.8% to 23.3% before the pandemic hit (I’m not counting 2020 because that skews things). More coal-fired plants were retired under Trump than under Barack Obama’s second term, according to E&E News. Many coal plants were aging, and utilities had little interest in investing in new ones.

Biden, by contrast, wanted to promote renewables, but while it seems we have a lot more — just look at the solar farms across Southside — the national statistics say otherwise. Renewables do now constitute the second-biggest source of electricity in the country, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration, but that’s primarily because coal has declined even more. The actual share of electricity production that comes from renewables hasn’t changed that much — from 17.6% in 2019 under Trump to 18.7% under Biden in 2023. The big fuel source under both presidents has been natural gas.

Trump says he wants no more wind energy built, but that seems unlikely to happen, not when the states most dependent on wind are solidly Republican-voting ones. South Dakota now gets 60% of its energy from wind, Iowa 54.7%.

In Virginia, in December, the General Assembly’s research arm, the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission, released an eye-opening report that projected energy demands in the state could triple by 2040 unless the growth of data centers slows down. Given those demands, market pressure is likely to overwhelm much of whatever any president wants. Presidents look at four-year election cycles; utilities look at 40-year investment cycles.

There are plenty of things Trump can change, if he chooses. He can deport people. He can lay on tariffs that disrupt trade patterns. He could invade Greenland, for that matter. I certainly don’t mean to diminish the magnitude of the choices that Americans were offered in November. However, it’s also wise to remember that many of the forces reshaping our society are impervious to politics. 

Are you ready for some football?

Virginia Tech (in white) plays Boston College in 2007. Courtesy of User B.
Virginia Tech (in white) plays Boston College in 2007. Courtesy of User B.

In this week’s West of the Capital, our weekly political newsletter, I’ll tell you about a bill pending before the General Assembly that would change the football schedule at some of Virginia’s colleges. West of the Capital goes out on Friday afternoons. You can sign up for this or any of our newsletters below:

The post 4 things Trump (or any president) can’t do much about appeared first on Cardinal News.

4 things Trump (or any president) can’t do much about [Cardinal News] (04:15 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Donald Trump is set to become president again, amid great hopes from some and great fears from others.

The president of the United States, whoever that may be, is often called the most powerful person in the world, and anyone who is in charge of 5,000 or more nuclear warheads certainly qualifies. However, now is a useful time to remind everyone of certain trends that are reshaping our society where a president’s powers are limited to nonexistent.

Let’s take a look at some of them — and how they relate specifically to Virginia.

1. Will birth rates continue to decline?

A Congressional Budget Office report projects that in 2033, deaths will start to outnumber births. After that date, any population growth will have to come from immigration. Source: CBO.
A Congressional Budget Office report projects that in 2033, deaths will start to outnumber births. After that date, any population growth will have to come from immigration. Source: CBO.

Birth rates have been falling around much of the world, a combination of social and economic factors. In the post-war era, the birth rate in the United States topped out at 3.582 children per woman, fell beneath the so-called “replacement rate” of 2.1 in 1973 and has never gotten higher. The birth rate bottomed out at 1.772 in 1978, rose slightly above 2.0 (but not above the replacement rate) for much of the 1990s and early 2000s, but then fell again after the Great Recession of 2008 and never recovered. Last year, it was 1.786, a figure that’s stayed essentially flat through Trump’s first term and Joe Biden’s term.

Focusing on the rate, though, masks the actual number of babies being born. Keep in mind there are multiple trends taking place here — the population is aging (reducing the number of women in their child-bearing years), but immigration is also boosting the population (and immigrants tend to be younger). The result: In 2007, the United States saw a record 4.32 million births. Since then, though, that number has fallen almost every year. In 2020, it hit a low of 3.61 million. In 2023, the U.S. saw 3.6 million babies born; preliminary figures suggest the 2024 figure may be as low as 3.31 million.

The number to pay attention to here is the gap between that 2007 high and all the years that follow. In plain language, 2023 saw 700,000 fewer babies born than 2007; 2024 may have seen 1 million fewer babies born.

This has ramifications we haven’t fully grasped yet. Colleges sure have: This is the so-called “enrollment cliff,” a precipitous drop-off in the number of traditional college-age students, which is why we see Roanoke College adding football and Randolph College adding certain sports. They’re all scrambling to make sure they keep their enrollment numbers up. Beyond that, we’re looking at workforce shortages in the future that will dwarf the ones we have now. These numbers also jeopardize many government programs that depend on younger generations paying for older ones ahead of them — Social Security, for instance.

At some point, the federal government will have to deal with the consequences of these declining birth rates but seems poorly placed to change them.

Some governments around the world have tried various policies to boost the number of births but haven’t had much luck. These are very personal decisions that politicians can’t do much about (although subsidizing more child care would help some). Governments can, though, move these numbers through immigration. That’s what Canada has tried to do with high immigration; it has similar gaps and wants to close them. However, Trump’s goal to deport undocumented immigrants would widen them. Meanwhile, a Congressional Budget Office report this week projected that, due to an aging population and declining birth rates, deaths will outnumber births in 2033 — which means that the United States would lose population for the first time ever. The only way to overcome that is through immigration. A recent study by Old Dominion University found that, without immigration, Virginia would now be losing population. There are legitimate concerns about having too much population growth, but population decline is invariably linked to economic decline. That is definitely not a way to make any country great again.

2. Will we continue to see more migration to rural areas?

This map shows which localities have seen more people move in than move out — or vice versa. Note that a county might see more people moving in but still lose population because deaths outnumber births — and the net in-migration. Courtesy of Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service, University of Virginia.
This map shows which localities have seen more people move in than move out — or vice versa. Note that a county might see more people moving in but still lose population because deaths outnumber births — and the net in-migration. Courtesy of Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service, University of Virginia.

The pandemic has triggered an unexpected trend: More people are now moving into rural areas. In Virginia, most rural areas are now seeing more people move in than move out, a reversal of what has been happening.

This hasn’t been enough to cause many of these counties to gain population, yet. With an aging population in many of those places, the moving vans coming in are still outnumbered by hearses going out. Still, this is a welcome trend for those who worried their communities were withering away. One of the drivers behind this migration (although by no means the only one) has been the popularity of remote work. We are now seeing some employers calling workers back into the office; Trump wants the federal government to be one of those. However, the long-term number (outlined above) suggests that if there’s a worker shortage, the power will be with the workers — so don’t look for remote work to go away.

The question is whether the migration we’ve seen so far represents the start of a trend or the entire trend.

3. Will growth in manufacturing continue to be sluggish?

Manufacturing jobs in the United States, 1939-2024. Source: Federal Reserve of St. Louis.
Manufacturing jobs in the United States, 1939-2024. Source: Federal Reserve of St. Louis.

Here’s an area where Trump would like to have influence but history suggests he can’t. One of the biggest changes over the past few decades has been the collapse of manufacturing in many places. We have lots of places across Southwest and Southside that have seen this firsthand. Manufacturing jobs in the U.S. peaked in June 1979 at 19.55 million. They declined through the ’80s and ’90s and were at about 17 million in early 2001. Then came the big collapse — Danville and Martinsville and other places can tell you about how their major employers were virtually wiped out. Or sometimes actually wiped out. The nation’s manufacturing workforce hit bottom in February 2010 at 11.45 million. By the time Trump took office in January 2017 the nation had 12.37 million manufacturing jobs, and just before the pandemic hit the number had edged up to 12.78 million. Under Biden, those numbers have come back and most recently stood at 12.87 million. Both Trump and Biden tried, in their own way, to boost American manufacturing. Trump had a little more success than Biden but, in the context of history, neither president’s policies changed things very much. The free market has its own ideas, and a declining labor pool is likely to force manufacturers to turn more to robotics.

4. How will the nation’s energy mix change?

How the nation's energy mix has changed. Source: U.S. Energy Information Administration.
How the nation’s energy mix has changed. Source: U.S. Energy Information Administration.

Both Trump and Biden had clear ideas on what fuels we should be using; neither has really gotten his way because the marketplace has been a stronger force than any presidential policy. Trump came into office declaring he would “bring back King Coal.” He did not. U.S. coal production rose slightly his first year in office, but then declined and, even before the pandemic hit, was lower than when he took office. Coal’s role in domestic energy production also declined during his term, from 29.8% to 23.3% before the pandemic hit (I’m not counting 2020 because that skews things). More coal-fired plants were retired under Trump than under Barack Obama’s second term, according to E&E News. Many coal plants were aging, and utilities had little interest in investing in new ones.

Biden, by contrast, wanted to promote renewables, but while it seems we have a lot more — just look at the solar farms across Southside — the national statistics say otherwise. Renewables do now constitute the second-biggest source of electricity in the country, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration, but that’s primarily because coal has declined even more. The actual share of electricity production that comes from renewables hasn’t changed that much — from 17.6% in 2019 under Trump to 18.7% under Biden in 2023. The big fuel source under both presidents has been natural gas.

Trump says he wants no more wind energy built, but that seems unlikely to happen, not when the states most dependent on wind are solidly Republican-voting ones. South Dakota now gets 60% of its energy from wind, Iowa 54.7%.

In Virginia, in December, the General Assembly’s research arm, the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission, released an eye-opening report that projected energy demands in the state could triple by 2040 unless the growth of data centers slows down. Given those demands, market pressure is likely to overwhelm much of whatever any president wants. Presidents look at four-year election cycles; utilities look at 40-year investment cycles.

There are plenty of things Trump can change, if he chooses. He can deport people. He can lay on tariffs that disrupt trade patterns. He could invade Greenland, for that matter. I certainly don’t mean to diminish the magnitude of the choices that Americans were offered in November. However, it’s also wise to remember that many of the forces reshaping our society are impervious to politics. 

Are you ready for some football?

Virginia Tech (in white) plays Boston College in 2007. Courtesy of User B.
Virginia Tech (in white) plays Boston College in 2007. Courtesy of User B.

In this week’s West of the Capital, our weekly political newsletter, I’ll tell you about a bill pending before the General Assembly that would change the football schedule at some of Virginia’s colleges. West of the Capital goes out on Friday afternoons. You can sign up for this or any of our newsletters below:

The post 4 things Trump (or any president) can’t do much about appeared first on Cardinal News.

4 things Trump (or any president) can’t do much about [Cardinal News] (04:15 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Donald Trump is set to become president again, amid great hopes from some and great fears from others.

The president of the United States, whoever that may be, is often called the most powerful person in the world, and anyone who is in charge of 5,000 or more nuclear warheads certainly qualifies. However, now is a useful time to remind everyone of certain trends that are reshaping our society where a president’s powers are limited to nonexistent.

Let’s take a look at some of them — and how they relate specifically to Virginia.

1. Will birth rates continue to decline?

A Congressional Budget Office report projects that in 2033, deaths will start to outnumber births. After that date, any population growth will have to come from immigration. Source: CBO.
A Congressional Budget Office report projects that in 2033, deaths will start to outnumber births. After that date, any population growth will have to come from immigration. Source: CBO.

Birth rates have been falling around much of the world, a combination of social and economic factors. In the post-war era, the birth rate in the United States topped out at 3.582 children per woman, fell beneath the so-called “replacement rate” of 2.1 in 1973 and has never gotten higher. The birth rate bottomed out at 1.772 in 1978, rose slightly above 2.0 (but not above the replacement rate) for much of the 1990s and early 2000s, but then fell again after the Great Recession of 2008 and never recovered. Last year, it was 1.786, a figure that’s stayed essentially flat through Trump’s first term and Joe Biden’s term.

Focusing on the rate, though, masks the actual number of babies being born. Keep in mind there are multiple trends taking place here — the population is aging (reducing the number of women in their child-bearing years), but immigration is also boosting the population (and immigrants tend to be younger). The result: In 2007, the United States saw a record 4.32 million births. Since then, though, that number has fallen almost every year. In 2020, it hit a low of 3.61 million. In 2023, the U.S. saw 3.6 million babies born; preliminary figures suggest the 2024 figure may be as low as 3.31 million.

The number to pay attention to here is the gap between that 2007 high and all the years that follow. In plain language, 2023 saw 700,000 fewer babies born than 2007; 2024 may have seen 1 million fewer babies born.

This has ramifications we haven’t fully grasped yet. Colleges sure have: This is the so-called “enrollment cliff,” a precipitous drop-off in the number of traditional college-age students, which is why we see Roanoke College adding football and Randolph College adding certain sports. They’re all scrambling to make sure they keep their enrollment numbers up. Beyond that, we’re looking at workforce shortages in the future that will dwarf the ones we have now. These numbers also jeopardize many government programs that depend on younger generations paying for older ones ahead of them — Social Security, for instance.

At some point, the federal government will have to deal with the consequences of these declining birth rates but seems poorly placed to change them.

Some governments around the world have tried various policies to boost the number of births but haven’t had much luck. These are very personal decisions that politicians can’t do much about (although subsidizing more child care would help some). Governments can, though, move these numbers through immigration. That’s what Canada has tried to do with high immigration; it has similar gaps and wants to close them. However, Trump’s goal to deport undocumented immigrants would widen them. Meanwhile, a Congressional Budget Office report this week projected that, due to an aging population and declining birth rates, deaths will outnumber births in 2033 — which means that the United States would lose population for the first time ever. The only way to overcome that is through immigration. A recent study by Old Dominion University found that, without immigration, Virginia would now be losing population. There are legitimate concerns about having too much population growth, but population decline is invariably linked to economic decline. That is definitely not a way to make any country great again.

2. Will we continue to see more migration to rural areas?

This map shows which localities have seen more people move in than move out — or vice versa. Note that a county might see more people moving in but still lose population because deaths outnumber births — and the net in-migration. Courtesy of Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service, University of Virginia.
This map shows which localities have seen more people move in than move out — or vice versa. Note that a county might see more people moving in but still lose population because deaths outnumber births — and the net in-migration. Courtesy of Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service, University of Virginia.

The pandemic has triggered an unexpected trend: More people are now moving into rural areas. In Virginia, most rural areas are now seeing more people move in than move out, a reversal of what has been happening.

This hasn’t been enough to cause many of these counties to gain population, yet. With an aging population in many of those places, the moving vans coming in are still outnumbered by hearses going out. Still, this is a welcome trend for those who worried their communities were withering away. One of the drivers behind this migration (although by no means the only one) has been the popularity of remote work. We are now seeing some employers calling workers back into the office; Trump wants the federal government to be one of those. However, the long-term number (outlined above) suggests that if there’s a worker shortage, the power will be with the workers — so don’t look for remote work to go away.

The question is whether the migration we’ve seen so far represents the start of a trend or the entire trend.

3. Will growth in manufacturing continue to be sluggish?

Manufacturing jobs in the United States, 1939-2024. Source: Federal Reserve of St. Louis.
Manufacturing jobs in the United States, 1939-2024. Source: Federal Reserve of St. Louis.

Here’s an area where Trump would like to have influence but history suggests he can’t. One of the biggest changes over the past few decades has been the collapse of manufacturing in many places. We have lots of places across Southwest and Southside that have seen this firsthand. Manufacturing jobs in the U.S. peaked in June 1979 at 19.55 million. They declined through the ’80s and ’90s and were at about 17 million in early 2001. Then came the big collapse — Danville and Martinsville and other places can tell you about how their major employers were virtually wiped out. Or sometimes actually wiped out. The nation’s manufacturing workforce hit bottom in February 2010 at 11.45 million. By the time Trump took office in January 2017 the nation had 12.37 million manufacturing jobs, and just before the pandemic hit the number had edged up to 12.78 million. Under Biden, those numbers have come back and most recently stood at 12.87 million. Both Trump and Biden tried, in their own way, to boost American manufacturing. Trump had a little more success than Biden but, in the context of history, neither president’s policies changed things very much. The free market has its own ideas, and a declining labor pool is likely to force manufacturers to turn more to robotics.

4. How will the nation’s energy mix change?

How the nation's energy mix has changed. Source: U.S. Energy Information Administration.
How the nation’s energy mix has changed. Source: U.S. Energy Information Administration.

Both Trump and Biden had clear ideas on what fuels we should be using; neither has really gotten his way because the marketplace has been a stronger force than any presidential policy. Trump came into office declaring he would “bring back King Coal.” He did not. U.S. coal production rose slightly his first year in office, but then declined and, even before the pandemic hit, was lower than when he took office. Coal’s role in domestic energy production also declined during his term, from 29.8% to 23.3% before the pandemic hit (I’m not counting 2020 because that skews things). More coal-fired plants were retired under Trump than under Barack Obama’s second term, according to E&E News. Many coal plants were aging, and utilities had little interest in investing in new ones.

Biden, by contrast, wanted to promote renewables, but while it seems we have a lot more — just look at the solar farms across Southside — the national statistics say otherwise. Renewables do now constitute the second-biggest source of electricity in the country, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration, but that’s primarily because coal has declined even more. The actual share of electricity production that comes from renewables hasn’t changed that much — from 17.6% in 2019 under Trump to 18.7% under Biden in 2023. The big fuel source under both presidents has been natural gas.

Trump says he wants no more wind energy built, but that seems unlikely to happen, not when the states most dependent on wind are solidly Republican-voting ones. South Dakota now gets 60% of its energy from wind, Iowa 54.7%.

In Virginia, in December, the General Assembly’s research arm, the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission, released an eye-opening report that projected energy demands in the state could triple by 2040 unless the growth of data centers slows down. Given those demands, market pressure is likely to overwhelm much of whatever any president wants. Presidents look at four-year election cycles; utilities look at 40-year investment cycles.

There are plenty of things Trump can change, if he chooses. He can deport people. He can lay on tariffs that disrupt trade patterns. He could invade Greenland, for that matter. I certainly don’t mean to diminish the magnitude of the choices that Americans were offered in November. However, it’s also wise to remember that many of the forces reshaping our society are impervious to politics. 

Are you ready for some football?

Virginia Tech (in white) plays Boston College in 2007. Courtesy of User B.
Virginia Tech (in white) plays Boston College in 2007. Courtesy of User B.

In this week’s West of the Capital, our weekly political newsletter, I’ll tell you about a bill pending before the General Assembly that would change the football schedule at some of Virginia’s colleges. West of the Capital goes out on Friday afternoons. You can sign up for this or any of our newsletters below:

The post 4 things Trump (or any president) can’t do much about appeared first on Cardinal News.

Bill would create grants for large-animal veterinarians [Cardinal News] (04:10 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

A brown cow sanding in a field.

A bill to provide incentive grants to large-animal veterinarians cleared a state Senate subcommittee Thursday with unanimous support.

Sen. Travis Hackworth, R-Tazewell County, sponsored SB 921. It would create a program by July 1, 2026, to give grants to up to four large-animal veterinarians each year in parts of Virginia identified by Virginia’s state veterinarian as having a shortage of such professionals.

Sen. Travis Hackworth, R-Tazewell County. Photo by Bob Brown.

A large-animal veterinarian works with cattle, sheep, goats and other livestock, while a companion-animal veterinarian works with dogs, cats and other pets.

Hackworth cited figures showing that in 2023 the U.S. had 68,400 companion-animal veterinarians but only slightly more than 8,100 veterinarians working in large-animal practice or mixed practice.

A large-animal veterinarian’s starting annual salary is typically $30,000 to $50,000 lower than that of a companion-animal veterinarian, he said.

“We need more animal vets, large-animal vets,” Hackworth told a subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Agriculture, Conservation and Natural Resources.

Hackworth said Sen. Dave Marsden, D-Fairfax County, is backing a $450,000 state budget amendment to support the program. If that amendment doesn’t go through, the bill still would establish the program.

The bill would also require Virginia’s state veterinarian to submit a report to the General Assembly by July 1, 2030, describing the effectiveness of the incentive grants.

Martha Moore of the Virginia Farm Bureau Federation told the subcommittee that the program could help veterinarians with student loans and other expenses.

“This is a nationwide problem, and 22 other states have these similar type incentive programs,” Moore said.

According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, nearly 240 regions across the country, including some in Central and Southwest Virginia, have a shortage of food-animal veterinarians. 

Sen. Angelia Williams Graves, D-Norfolk, said healthy livestock are necessary for the food supply.

She noted that the distance between a farmer and an available veterinarian could mean the difference between life and death for an animal in need of care.

“Thank you so much for bringing this, and as someone who eats beef, I hope we get this passed,” she said.

With the subcommittee’s 5-0 favorable vote, the bill heads to the full agriculture committee for consideration.

The post Bill would create grants for large-animal veterinarians appeared first on Cardinal News.

Bill would create grants for large-animal veterinarians [Cardinal News] (04:10 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

A brown cow sanding in a field.

A bill to provide incentive grants to large-animal veterinarians cleared a state Senate subcommittee Thursday with unanimous support.

Sen. Travis Hackworth, R-Tazewell County, sponsored SB 921. It would create a program by July 1, 2026, to give grants to up to four large-animal veterinarians each year in parts of Virginia identified by Virginia’s state veterinarian as having a shortage of such professionals.

Sen. Travis Hackworth, R-Tazewell County. Photo by Bob Brown.

A large-animal veterinarian works with cattle, sheep, goats and other livestock, while a companion-animal veterinarian works with dogs, cats and other pets.

Hackworth cited figures showing that in 2023 the U.S. had 68,400 companion-animal veterinarians but only slightly more than 8,100 veterinarians working in large-animal practice or mixed practice.

A large-animal veterinarian’s starting annual salary is typically $30,000 to $50,000 lower than that of a companion-animal veterinarian, he said.

“We need more animal vets, large-animal vets,” Hackworth told a subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Agriculture, Conservation and Natural Resources.

Hackworth said Sen. Dave Marsden, D-Fairfax County, is backing a $450,000 state budget amendment to support the program. If that amendment doesn’t go through, the bill still would establish the program.

The bill would also require Virginia’s state veterinarian to submit a report to the General Assembly by July 1, 2030, describing the effectiveness of the incentive grants.

Martha Moore of the Virginia Farm Bureau Federation told the subcommittee that the program could help veterinarians with student loans and other expenses.

“This is a nationwide problem, and 22 other states have these similar type incentive programs,” Moore said.

According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, nearly 240 regions across the country, including some in Central and Southwest Virginia, have a shortage of food-animal veterinarians. 

Sen. Angelia Williams Graves, D-Norfolk, said healthy livestock are necessary for the food supply.

She noted that the distance between a farmer and an available veterinarian could mean the difference between life and death for an animal in need of care.

“Thank you so much for bringing this, and as someone who eats beef, I hope we get this passed,” she said.

With the subcommittee’s 5-0 favorable vote, the bill heads to the full agriculture committee for consideration.

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Accidents involving horse-drawn buggies prompts bill — and concerns over religious freedom [Cardinal News] (04:05 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Sen. Mark Peake, R-Lynchburg, works at his desk inside the Virginia Senate in Richmond, VA Thursday, Jan. 18, 2024. Photo by Bob Brown.

The growing number of Amish families settling in Southside Virginia has led to a growing number of traffic accidents involving cars and buggies, some of them fatal. Since 2016, there have been at least five deaths in Virginia involving vehicles hitting horse-drawn carriages, most recently in Cumberland County last summer when an 8-year-old girl in a buggy was killed.

That led to a debate Thursday where the Senate Transportation Committee grappled with how to regulate horse-drawn buggies without impinging on the religious convictions of the Amish.

State Sen. Mark Peake, R-Lynchburg, said he introduced SB 1075 at the request of the Campbell County Sheriff’s Office. Among other things, the bill would mandate certain reflectors be displayed on buggies and require that they be visible for at least 500 feet. 

Peake said the goal is to make buggies more visible so they’re less prone to accidents. “The Amish folks don’t seem to care,” he said. “They seem to think it’s God’s will if a vehicle approaches [and results in a fatal accident]. They think it’s God’s will, but the people who hit them really get upset if they kill someone.”

He said that as the Amish have moved into Campbell County, the Campbell-based Foster Fuels company has been particularly concerned that one of its tankers will round a bend and hit a slow-moving buggy. 

“They’re deathly afraid they’re going to kill someone in these buggies,” Peake said. “This is an effort to protect these people who don’t want to be protected, so we want to make them as visible as possible.”

Ghazala Hashmi
Sen. Ghazala Hashmi, D-Richmond. Photo by Bob Brown.

No one objected to Peake’s bill but four senators — Travis Hackworth, R-Tazewell County; Ghazala Hashmi, D-Richmond; Bill DeSteph, R-Virginia Beach; and David Suetterlein, R-Roanoke County — expressed concern because there hadn’t been conversations with the Amish community.

DeSteph noted that some of the reflectors envisioned might include technology that the Amish would find against their beliefs. 

“My concern is about the lack of engagement with the Amish community,” Hashmi said. 

The committee voted to delay action on the bill until later in the session to give time for Peake or others to talk with the Amish. “They’re not much into electronics,” Peake said. 

The post Accidents involving horse-drawn buggies prompts bill — and concerns over religious freedom appeared first on Cardinal News.

Accidents involving horse-drawn buggies prompts bill — and concerns over religious freedom [Cardinal News] (04:05 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Sen. Mark Peake, R-Lynchburg, works at his desk inside the Virginia Senate in Richmond, VA Thursday, Jan. 18, 2024. Photo by Bob Brown.

The growing number of Amish families settling in Southside Virginia has led to a growing number of traffic accidents involving cars and buggies, some of them fatal. Since 2016, there have been at least five deaths in Virginia involving vehicles hitting horse-drawn carriages, most recently in Cumberland County last summer when an 8-year-old girl in a buggy was killed.

That led to a debate Thursday where the Senate Transportation Committee grappled with how to regulate horse-drawn buggies without impinging on the religious convictions of the Amish.

State Sen. Mark Peake, R-Lynchburg, said he introduced SB 1075 at the request of the Campbell County Sheriff’s Office. Among other things, the bill would mandate certain reflectors be displayed on buggies and require that they be visible for at least 500 feet. 

Peake said the goal is to make buggies more visible so they’re less prone to accidents. “The Amish folks don’t seem to care,” he said. “They seem to think it’s God’s will if a vehicle approaches [and results in a fatal accident]. They think it’s God’s will, but the people who hit them really get upset if they kill someone.”

He said that as the Amish have moved into Campbell County, the Campbell-based Foster Fuels company has been particularly concerned that one of its tankers will round a bend and hit a slow-moving buggy. 

“They’re deathly afraid they’re going to kill someone in these buggies,” Peake said. “This is an effort to protect these people who don’t want to be protected, so we want to make them as visible as possible.”

Ghazala Hashmi
Sen. Ghazala Hashmi, D-Richmond. Photo by Bob Brown.

No one objected to Peake’s bill but four senators — Travis Hackworth, R-Tazewell County; Ghazala Hashmi, D-Richmond; Bill DeSteph, R-Virginia Beach; and David Suetterlein, R-Roanoke County — expressed concern because there hadn’t been conversations with the Amish community.

DeSteph noted that some of the reflectors envisioned might include technology that the Amish would find against their beliefs. 

“My concern is about the lack of engagement with the Amish community,” Hashmi said. 

The committee voted to delay action on the bill until later in the session to give time for Peake or others to talk with the Amish. “They’re not much into electronics,” Peake said. 

The post Accidents involving horse-drawn buggies prompts bill — and concerns over religious freedom appeared first on Cardinal News.

Agenda Bristol: City council to meet in called, closed session Friday to discuss hiring the city’s next police chief [Cardinal News] (04:00 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Bristol City Hall

The Bristol City Council will meet in called session Friday to discuss hiring the city’s next police chief.

Council members have been working to fill the position, which was vacated by Chief John Austin, who retired Nov. 30. Austin held the position for 10 years and was a 35-year employee with the department.

In closed session, the council will discuss, consider or interview candidates for employment, appointment, performance, demotion, salaries or resignation of specific public officers, appointees or employees of any public body, according to the agenda. In parentheses, the agenda states the discussion is about the police chief.

Following the closed meeting, a police chief announcement will be made, according to the agenda.

Applicants for the job were screened by the Virginia Police Chiefs Association, which then recommended finalists. City Manager Randy Eads said he planned to involve other local police chiefs in candidate interviews.

The meeting will be held at noon Friday at City Hall, 300 Lee St. You can view the agenda here.

The post Agenda Bristol: City council to meet in called, closed session Friday to discuss hiring the city’s next police chief appeared first on Cardinal News.

Agenda Bristol: City council to meet in called, closed session Friday to discuss hiring the city’s next police chief [Cardinal News] (04:00 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

Bristol City Hall

The Bristol City Council will meet in called session Friday to discuss hiring the city’s next police chief.

Council members have been working to fill the position, which was vacated by Chief John Austin, who retired Nov. 30. Austin held the position for 10 years and was a 35-year employee with the department.

In closed session, the council will discuss, consider or interview candidates for employment, appointment, performance, demotion, salaries or resignation of specific public officers, appointees or employees of any public body, according to the agenda. In parentheses, the agenda states the discussion is about the police chief.

Following the closed meeting, a police chief announcement will be made, according to the agenda.

Applicants for the job were screened by the Virginia Police Chiefs Association, which then recommended finalists. City Manager Randy Eads said he planned to involve other local police chiefs in candidate interviews.

The meeting will be held at noon Friday at City Hall, 300 Lee St. You can view the agenda here.

The post Agenda Bristol: City council to meet in called, closed session Friday to discuss hiring the city’s next police chief appeared first on Cardinal News.

Roanoke’s Rupert Cutler on what it was like to work for Jimmy Carter [Cardinal News] (04:00 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

President Jimmy Carter and Rupert Cutler. Courtesy of Cutler.

It was cold in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 20, 1977, when Jimmy Carter was sworn in as 39th president of the United States. Despite this wintry weather, unlike that in their native South, Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter of Plains, Georgia, walked briskly and smilingly, hand in hand, down icy Pennsylvania Avenue from the Capitol to the White House, where he would run a tight ship for the next four years.

As I recall, it was even colder that day in Ontonagon, Michigan, on the blustery south shore of Lake Superior. That is where I watched the Carters take their stroll, warm in a downtown furniture store, perched on the arm of a showroom sofa, following the historic event on a new color TV. Then I went back to work as an extension specialist with the Michigan Cooperative Extension Service, offering local officials advice on their outdoor recreation and tourism development options in Michigan’s scenic (but remote) Upper Peninsula.

Three months later I was in Washington in the office of the secretary of agriculture, holding my right hand in the air, being sworn in, together with four colleagues, by Secretary of Agriculture Bob Bergland as an assistant secretary of agriculture, with a portfolio of responsibilities that included oversight of federal forestry, soil conservation and land grant university-related policies and programs.

Much has been made of the unique aspects of Mr. Carter’s campaign and election to the office of president and how he ran that office. Among those aspects was how positions in the so-called “plum book” were filled to staff the Carter administration’s hastily appointed transition team. Those political appointments, I found, were based, just as other hiring decisions are made everywhere, on what the candidate knows and whom she or he knows. 

My experience with these proceedings differed from the experiences of those men and women who already had been in the orbits of Mr. Carter and his vice president, Walter Mondale, former Minnesota attorney general and United States senator. Old friends of the new president and vice president had a relatively unobstructed glide path to appointments in the new administration. The rest of us plum book types fell in a different category: new members of the team, considered perhaps not exactly a necessary evil by that core group of Georgians and Minnesotans, but as a group of unknown players, needed to fill out their organization chart.

Rupert Cutler, left, shakes hands with President Lyndon Johnson in 1968 at the signing of the Wild Rivers Act when Cutler was with The Wilderness Society. Courtesy of Cutler.
Rupert Cutler, left, shakes hands with President Lyndon Johnson in 1968 at the signing of the Wild Rivers Act when Cutler was with the Wilderness Society. Courtesy of Cutler.

I’m often asked how I came to be among those chosen to play one of these important roles.  After all, I was only a recently appointed assistant professor, teaching environmental policy and learning the Extension Service ropes out in the upper Midwest boonies. Fortunately, my academic connection to a land grant institution and my previous Washington experience as a lobbyist for the National Wildlife Federation and the Wilderness Society allowed the Carter transition team to check the two boxes associated with meeting the requirements of my position, mark that job filled, and go on to fill others on their lengthy list. Here is how I met the two criteria:

“What I knew” was that the position of assistant secretary of agriculture for conservation, research and education had been filled in the past by a land grant university faculty member, because the incumbent supervised the federal Extension Service and State Cooperative Research Service, important sources of funds for the land grant schools. I had earned the Ph.D. “union card” and was invited to join the Michigan State University faculty.

Not using a political loyalty test but seeking qualified people to fill top-level government position vacancies, the Carter hiring team noted my qualifications. I knew my stuff. I had worked seasonally for the Forest Service, studied forestry while earning an undergraduate degree in wildlife management (University of Michigan), done my doctoral dissertation research on litigation related to management of Forest Service-administered lands, been a faculty member of the Michigan State University Department of Forestry, and carried a strong letter of support from the chairman of that department.

(What the transition team didn’t know or didn’t seem to care was that I had helped lead a “Morris Udall for President” campaign with other Michigan State faculty and grad students in 1976 and had welcomed the Arizona congressman, whom I knew and admired from my environmental association work in Washington, when he arrived at the Lansing airport for a rally. “Mo” came in second in the Michigan presidential primary. Carter won.)

“Who I knew” were leaders of the environmental conservation groups in Washington who were willing to advocate for my appointment. From 1962 (when I heard President Kennedy’s conservation speech in the State Department auditorium) until 1969 (when I left the Holy City for grad school), I worked for the National Wildlife Federation and the Wilderness Society, part of a lobbying team with friends with the Sierra Club, National Parks Association, Environmental Defense Fund and other groups. Together, we chased congresspeople around Capitol Hill and convinced them to pass the National Environmental Policy Act, the Wild Rivers Act, several wilderness bills and lots of other conservation legislation. We’d been in the lobbying trenches together for years.

So, when asked by the Carter transition team to suggest someone to oversee the Forest Service, an administrator of much of the National Wilderness Preservation System, those former Capitol Hill teammates of mine thought of Rupe Cutler. They knew my heart.

Meeting the Carter transition team’s criteria was hurdle No. 1. Next, I had to convince the incoming secretary of agriculture, Minnesota Congressman Bob Bergland, that I was the man for his job, and — hardest of all — get the nod from the Senate Agriculture Committee. “Advise and consent” was serious business then. 

Bergland, a fellow upper Midwesterner, seemed easy to get along with. I walked with him to his Senate confirmation hearing. As a former House ag committee member, he was a shoo-in.  When we parted, he asked me for my East Lansing phone number and called a few days later with a job offer. But nomination is one thing and confirmation is another. My appointment was subject to confirmation by the Senate Agriculture Committee chaired by Herman Talmadge of Georgia.

My Senate confirmation was a trial, almost literally. I sat at the large conference table with the members of the committee, with Senator Talmadge to my left at the head of the table smoking a cigar (would that long ash ever fall off?) and trying to avoid overturning a spittoon on the floor where I could kick it if I wasn’t careful. I was grilled to a fare thee well by a panel of skeptical elderly white men prepared to voice objections to my confirmation using grist given them by the forest products and agricultural chemicals industry who saw this disciple of Aldo Leopold and Rachel Carson as an “extreme environmentalist.” Only the good humor of Republican Senator Bob Dole — “Let’s give the president all the rope he needs to hang himself!” — opened the door for a close vote that moved my nomination forward.

Meeting in the Cabinet room with President Carter and Secretary of Agriculture Robert Bergland. Cutler is at right. Courtesy of Cutler.
Meeting in the Cabinet room with President Jimmy Carter and Secretary of Agriculture Robert Bergland. Cutler is at right. Courtesy of Cutler.

Few people understand what assistant secretaries do. They constitute the “subcabinet” that makes the connection between the ever-changing and highly visible political layer (e.g., the president’s cabinet member, called an “administrator” or a “secretary”) and the semi-permanent, longtime career civil servant level — the men and women who’ve seen presidential administrations come and go and whose natural inclination is to resist policy changes. Excuse the cliché: It’s where the political rubber meets the bureaucratic road. It’s where the president’s stated goals take the form of government actions, through major new rules and regulations and incremental day-to-day decisionmaking.

My challenge as an incoming assistant secretary was quickly to get a grasp on the details of what my agencies did and how they did it, and to establish a responsive relationship with the career leaders of my agencies or change them. I replaced the administrator of the Soil Conservation Service for continuing to ditch and drain precious wetlands, ignoring my orders. The Forest Service, a proud professional, semi-autonomous agency, was unused to constant oversight from the assistant secretary but took my direction with good grace. My job was to make decisions every day that reflected President Carter’s philosophy of government. “What would Jimmy do?” became my mantra. I knew he was a conservationist, and so was I. (He was a model farmer from the standpoint of soil and water conservation practices, and, incidentally, we shared the hobby of birdwatching!)

I was given almost complete discretion to follow my own instincts. Secretary Bergland, busy selling American farm products abroad and meeting with farm groups, said, “Rupe, run your shop, just don’t embarrass me.” I did and I didn’t. He had my back when the manufacturers (Dow Chemical) and applicators of the herbicide 2,4,5-T pounced on me for restricting its use on national forests because a contaminant of that herbicide, dioxin, was causing cancer, miscarriages and birth defects downstream from where the chemical was being sprayed on Douglas fir reforestation projects in western Oregon. Time for a new Forest Service herbicide-use policy. Let’s try a herd of goats instead, in some instances, I suggested.

I was given a free hand to hire my support staff. Betty Sickinger had served my predecessor as his executive assistant (senior secretary), had no problem serving a Democratic appointee after serving a Republican one, and knew the ropes, so I asked her to stay on. I needed an undersecretary to share the load and found the ideal partner in Dave Unger, then the executive vice president of the National Association of Soil and Water Conservation Districts (now the National Association of Conservation Districts). I asked Dave to come on board and concentrate on oversight of the Soil Conservation Service (now the Natural Resources Conservation Service). I invited Oregon Congressman Jim Weaver’s legislative director, Pete Sorenson, to be my personal assistant. Pete’s many services included attending conferences at which I was the speaker and, standing in the back of the hall to hold up a big sign, “TIME TO GO,” to signal I should wind it up before the questions became too difficult!

Rupert Cutler testifies before Congress on the Alaska lands bill. At left is Interior Secretary Cecil Andrus. Courtesy of Cutler.
Rupert Cutler testifies before Congress on the Alaska lands bill. At left is Interior Secretary Cecil Andrus. Courtesy of Cutler.

I became a player in some of the Carter administration’s noted environmental and foreign policy accomplishments, one of them being passage of the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act, or ANILCA. It provides special protection for 157 million acres of Alaskan wildland, more than doubling the size of the National Park System. I was pleased to be in the East Room of the White House on Dec. 2, 1980, when President Carter signed the act into law.

Admiralty Island in Alaska. Courtesy of U.S. Forest Service.
Admiralty Island in Alaska. Courtesy of U.S. Forest Service.

(Backstory: As a member of the team that drafted ANILCA, I fought successfully to keep Admiralty Island and Misty Fiords within the Tongass National Forest as national monument wildernesses rather than, as White House staff members close to Interior Secretary Cece Andrus suggested, moving them to National Park Service administration. After all, it was the Forest Service that began designating and protecting wilderness on federal land, with the Gila Wilderness in 1924.)

Less well known is an environmental initiative I embraced without White House permission, hoping for forgiveness rather than asking for advance approval if anything went wrong, called the second Roadless Area Review and Evaluation, or RARE II. Responding to Congressional criticism that the Forest Service couldn’t provide adequate data on roadless areas proposed by private groups for wilderness system protection, and at the suggestion of Forest Service Chief John McGuire, I enthusiastically agreed to the chief’s offer to review every acre of the National Forest System for its wilderness potential. 

McGuire’s team found 2,686 “roadless areas” in the 193 million-acre National Forest System. After an intensive review of each one, comparing its wilderness attributes with its development opportunities, we recommended to the president and ultimately to Congress that over 15 million more acres of the National Forest System be designated by Congress as statutory wilderness. Most of these recommendations became law over time. Almost as important, the process created an inventory of all 2,686 roadless areas that became the action agenda of wilderness groups as they sought successfully to enlarge the system, area by area, to its current 112 million acres that also is made up of national park, wildlife refuge and BLM-administered federal public lands — a source of pride among American conservationists.

Deng Xiaoping and Jimmy Carter during Sino-American signing ceremony in 1979. Courtesy of The White House.
Deng Xiaoping and Jimmy Carter during Sino-American signing ceremony in 1979. Courtesy of The White House.

I was also in the East Room of the White House on Jan. 31, 1979, to watch President Carter and China’s Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping sign documents normalizing diplomatic relations between the U.S. and the People’s Republic of China. I was there because I’d had the opportunity to represent U.S agricultural science on two missions to China in preparation for this ceremony, the first with presidential science adviser Dr. Frank Press from July 6-10, 1978, and the other with Secretary of Agriculture Bob Bergland from Nov. 4-14, 1978. Our Chinese hosts “rolled out the red carpet” for us (pun intended). Our visits took place soon after the end of Mao’s “Cultural Revolution” in 1976. The Chinese then were anxious to catch up with “the West” in the fields of science and technology. (They seem to have succeeded.)

Much has been written about President and Mrs. Carter’s awkwardness in Washington. They were a poor fit for a society built on warm personal relations despite party affiliation (e.g., Republican President Ronald Reagan and Democratic House Speaker “Tip” O’Neill being on cordial terms, as Reagan wrote in his memoirs, friends “after 6 p.m.”). I will never forget hearing about how astounded the Democratic Party “old guard” was at Mr. Carter’s flat refusal to consider attending a proposed big bash to celebrate his election to be held at the Washington Hilton hotel. All the living representatives of FDR’s New Deal, LBJ’s Great Society and all the rest of the donkey crowd were raring to go, but not the Carters.

Working productively with Congress, which usually involves “give and take,” or compromise, was not his strong suit. I was on the stage of the Old Executive Office Building (now the Dwight D. Eisenhower Building) with the secretary of the interior, the secretary of the army, the administrator of the EPA, and Jimmy and Rosalynn on the afternoon of April 18, 1977, when the president announced to a full house of senior members of Congress that he was going to recommend the deletion of funds for 18 long-planned water resource projects and the modification of five more such projects: dams for flood control, power generation, and irrigation; waterways for internal barge transportation and floodwater diversion; and water supply projects like the Central Arizona Project. You could have heard the proverbial pin drop at the conclusion of his remarks. He had taken the legislators by complete surprise, setting his sights on the demise of projects they had based their reelection campaigns on, “pork barrel” examples though many of them were. Not a crowd-pleaser.

Nor was President Carter’s proposed reorganization of the entire federal government, announced on April 6, 1977, at his signing of the Reorganization Act of 1977 into law. “The program will be directed by Bert Lance, who shares my enthusiasm for and serious commitment to the goal of making government work better,” said the president. I served on the White House-based multiagency team tasked with fleshing out this idea. With minor exceptions, it died without a whimper. It foundered, as had all previous such presidential initiatives, on the rocks of congressional committee jurisdiction, which they guarded jealously.

One old chestnut of these reorganization plans was to take the Forest Service out of the Department of Agriculture, move it back to where it began in 1881, the Department of the Interior, and create a Department of Natural Resources. The congressional committees of agriculture, long responsible for how the agency’s $9 billion budget was spent, did not agree and this did not happen.

(Backstory: Word reached me that the forest products industry, not pleased with my pro-wilderness position, was dickering with the White House on this one, offering its political support for this part of the reorg plan IF I would be fired and replaced by an assistant secretary of their choosing. That did not happen either.)

In the Oval Office. From left: Presidential adviser Stu Eisenstadt, Alaska Senator Ted Stevens, Cutler and President Jimmy Carter. Courtesy of Rupert Cutler
In the Oval Office. From left: Presidential adviser Stu Eisenstadt, Alaska Sen. Ted Stevens, Cutler and President Jimmy Carter. Courtesy of Rupert Cutler.

My one-on-one interactions with President Carter were brief and unsettling. Ready to offer him my recommendations on upcoming forestry policy decisions, I found myself instead on the receiving end of his thin smile and his detailed criticisms of my earlier hard-copy submissions on which he had written notes in a tiny hand. I often wondered if the president understood that the Forest Service was in the Department of Agriculture and not under the purview of his old ex-governor friend and secretary of the interior, Cecil “Cece” Andrus. One reason I felt this way was that the chief of the Forest Service, Max Peterson, and I found ourselves having to beg our way into the ceremony for the president’s signing of the law authorizing the creation of the Frank Church-River of No Return Wilderness in Idaho. Cece Andrus, previously governor of Idaho, was the man of the hour, invited to be on the stage to take the president’s thanks for this accomplishment. Granted, Andrus had been the governor of Idaho and a supporter of the designation, but the men who would be responsible for administering the area — the largest contiguous wilderness in the Lower 48 and located in the Salmon, Challis, Payette, Nez Perce and Bitterroot National Forests — were relegated to the role of spectators in the last row of the auditorium. Bummer.

Secretary Bergland, at my request, created an Office of Environmental Quality empowered to oversee the implementation of the National Environmental Policy Act, or NEPA, across all units of USDA. Under the direction of forester and former Forest Service and Office of Environmental Quality staff member Barry Flamm, the OEQ published what was to be the first edition of a series of annual reports on the role of USDA in protecting the environment. Its accomplishments also included organizing a panel presentation in the atrium of the USDA headquarters building by the legislative sponsors of NEPA, including Congressman John Dingell, to celebrate the 10th anniversary of that groundbreaking law that requires all federal agencies to prepare environmental impact statements on major federal projects. Incoming President Ronald Reagan torpedoed the OEQ about the same time he removed President Carter’s signature solar panels from the roof of the White House.

You may understandably assume that when Congress passes legislation and the president signs it into law, that is it — that the agency to which it is assigned will “just do it.” But “just doing it” involves the adoption of rules and regulations, the executive branch’s best shot at translating high-flown Congressional prose into language staff can understand and follow in the field. Not easy, and often very time-consuming. Case in point: the National Forest Management Act of 1976 that gives the Forest Service its marching orders as to how to write a unique management plan for every national forest. It wasn’t until October of 1979 that I was able to sign off as the responsible federal official on the final rules to implement this important law. Prior to that date, a “Committee of Scientists” led by my appointee, ecologist Art Cooper of North Carolina State University, labored through many drafts, field hearings and repeated published (and then withdrawn) versions attempting to be responsive to all those with an interest in how our national forests are to be managed. The result — multidisciplinary plans providing for fish and wildlife and wilderness protection, not just timber sales — was worth the effort.

One sacred tenet of the Forest Service’s is “even-flow sustained yield” timber harvest, meaning that it will sell no greater volume of timber each year than can be grown in that time. President Carter’s “inflation czar,” Robert Strauss, sent a representative to my office to tell us to sell national forest timber below the cost of conducting the sales and building the necessary access roads — essentially giving federal timber away — to reduce the cost of lumber in new homes and strike a blow at the high cost of housing. I doubted this was a good idea, but we followed orders.

As spokesperson for President Carter at the annual conference of the Virginia Cooperative Extension Service in Blacksburg in 1979, I advised these good folks that it was time for them to integrate their Blacksburg-based white staff and their Petersburg-based Black staff into one program. As the political appointee over the Economic Research Service, I directed its administrator to step up that agency’s research efforts in the areas of organic farming and gardening and integrated pest management (pesticide spraying based on need rather than on the calendar) and to create a new garden in the National Arboretum in northeast Washington to show homeowners which shrubs and trees to plants to attract birds to their yards. Every day, as Sen. Tim Kaine says his father-in-law, Gov. Linwood Holton, used to remind his family, was “opportunity day.”

Thank you, Jimmy Carter. To serve in your subcabinet, given so much discretion, to do my bit to turn the federal enterprise in the direction of a healthy, beautiful and sustainable environment, was the opportunity of a lifetime.

The post Roanoke’s Rupert Cutler on what it was like to work for Jimmy Carter appeared first on Cardinal News.

Roanoke’s Rupert Cutler on what it was like to work for Jimmy Carter [Cardinal News] (04:00 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

President Jimmy Carter and Rupert Cutler. Courtesy of Cutler.

It was cold in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 20, 1977, when Jimmy Carter was sworn in as 39th president of the United States. Despite this wintry weather, unlike that in their native South, Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter of Plains, Georgia, walked briskly and smilingly, hand in hand, down icy Pennsylvania Avenue from the Capitol to the White House, where he would run a tight ship for the next four years.

As I recall, it was even colder that day in Ontonagon, Michigan, on the blustery south shore of Lake Superior. That is where I watched the Carters take their stroll, warm in a downtown furniture store, perched on the arm of a showroom sofa, following the historic event on a new color TV. Then I went back to work as an extension specialist with the Michigan Cooperative Extension Service, offering local officials advice on their outdoor recreation and tourism development options in Michigan’s scenic (but remote) Upper Peninsula.

Three months later I was in Washington in the office of the secretary of agriculture, holding my right hand in the air, being sworn in, together with four colleagues, by Secretary of Agriculture Bob Bergland as an assistant secretary of agriculture, with a portfolio of responsibilities that included oversight of federal forestry, soil conservation and land grant university-related policies and programs.

Much has been made of the unique aspects of Mr. Carter’s campaign and election to the office of president and how he ran that office. Among those aspects was how positions in the so-called “plum book” were filled to staff the Carter administration’s hastily appointed transition team. Those political appointments, I found, were based, just as other hiring decisions are made everywhere, on what the candidate knows and whom she or he knows. 

My experience with these proceedings differed from the experiences of those men and women who already had been in the orbits of Mr. Carter and his vice president, Walter Mondale, former Minnesota attorney general and United States senator. Old friends of the new president and vice president had a relatively unobstructed glide path to appointments in the new administration. The rest of us plum book types fell in a different category: new members of the team, considered perhaps not exactly a necessary evil by that core group of Georgians and Minnesotans, but as a group of unknown players, needed to fill out their organization chart.

Rupert Cutler, left, shakes hands with President Lyndon Johnson in 1968 at the signing of the Wild Rivers Act when Cutler was with The Wilderness Society. Courtesy of Cutler.
Rupert Cutler, left, shakes hands with President Lyndon Johnson in 1968 at the signing of the Wild Rivers Act when Cutler was with the Wilderness Society. Courtesy of Cutler.

I’m often asked how I came to be among those chosen to play one of these important roles.  After all, I was only a recently appointed assistant professor, teaching environmental policy and learning the Extension Service ropes out in the upper Midwest boonies. Fortunately, my academic connection to a land grant institution and my previous Washington experience as a lobbyist for the National Wildlife Federation and the Wilderness Society allowed the Carter transition team to check the two boxes associated with meeting the requirements of my position, mark that job filled, and go on to fill others on their lengthy list. Here is how I met the two criteria:

“What I knew” was that the position of assistant secretary of agriculture for conservation, research and education had been filled in the past by a land grant university faculty member, because the incumbent supervised the federal Extension Service and State Cooperative Research Service, important sources of funds for the land grant schools. I had earned the Ph.D. “union card” and was invited to join the Michigan State University faculty.

Not using a political loyalty test but seeking qualified people to fill top-level government position vacancies, the Carter hiring team noted my qualifications. I knew my stuff. I had worked seasonally for the Forest Service, studied forestry while earning an undergraduate degree in wildlife management (University of Michigan), done my doctoral dissertation research on litigation related to management of Forest Service-administered lands, been a faculty member of the Michigan State University Department of Forestry, and carried a strong letter of support from the chairman of that department.

(What the transition team didn’t know or didn’t seem to care was that I had helped lead a “Morris Udall for President” campaign with other Michigan State faculty and grad students in 1976 and had welcomed the Arizona congressman, whom I knew and admired from my environmental association work in Washington, when he arrived at the Lansing airport for a rally. “Mo” came in second in the Michigan presidential primary. Carter won.)

“Who I knew” were leaders of the environmental conservation groups in Washington who were willing to advocate for my appointment. From 1962 (when I heard President Kennedy’s conservation speech in the State Department auditorium) until 1969 (when I left the Holy City for grad school), I worked for the National Wildlife Federation and the Wilderness Society, part of a lobbying team with friends with the Sierra Club, National Parks Association, Environmental Defense Fund and other groups. Together, we chased congresspeople around Capitol Hill and convinced them to pass the National Environmental Policy Act, the Wild Rivers Act, several wilderness bills and lots of other conservation legislation. We’d been in the lobbying trenches together for years.

So, when asked by the Carter transition team to suggest someone to oversee the Forest Service, an administrator of much of the National Wilderness Preservation System, those former Capitol Hill teammates of mine thought of Rupe Cutler. They knew my heart.

Meeting the Carter transition team’s criteria was hurdle No. 1. Next, I had to convince the incoming secretary of agriculture, Minnesota Congressman Bob Bergland, that I was the man for his job, and — hardest of all — get the nod from the Senate Agriculture Committee. “Advise and consent” was serious business then. 

Bergland, a fellow upper Midwesterner, seemed easy to get along with. I walked with him to his Senate confirmation hearing. As a former House ag committee member, he was a shoo-in.  When we parted, he asked me for my East Lansing phone number and called a few days later with a job offer. But nomination is one thing and confirmation is another. My appointment was subject to confirmation by the Senate Agriculture Committee chaired by Herman Talmadge of Georgia.

My Senate confirmation was a trial, almost literally. I sat at the large conference table with the members of the committee, with Senator Talmadge to my left at the head of the table smoking a cigar (would that long ash ever fall off?) and trying to avoid overturning a spittoon on the floor where I could kick it if I wasn’t careful. I was grilled to a fare thee well by a panel of skeptical elderly white men prepared to voice objections to my confirmation using grist given them by the forest products and agricultural chemicals industry who saw this disciple of Aldo Leopold and Rachel Carson as an “extreme environmentalist.” Only the good humor of Republican Senator Bob Dole — “Let’s give the president all the rope he needs to hang himself!” — opened the door for a close vote that moved my nomination forward.

Meeting in the Cabinet room with President Carter and Secretary of Agriculture Robert Bergland. Cutler is at right. Courtesy of Cutler.
Meeting in the Cabinet room with President Jimmy Carter and Secretary of Agriculture Robert Bergland. Cutler is at right. Courtesy of Cutler.

Few people understand what assistant secretaries do. They constitute the “subcabinet” that makes the connection between the ever-changing and highly visible political layer (e.g., the president’s cabinet member, called an “administrator” or a “secretary”) and the semi-permanent, longtime career civil servant level — the men and women who’ve seen presidential administrations come and go and whose natural inclination is to resist policy changes. Excuse the cliché: It’s where the political rubber meets the bureaucratic road. It’s where the president’s stated goals take the form of government actions, through major new rules and regulations and incremental day-to-day decisionmaking.

My challenge as an incoming assistant secretary was quickly to get a grasp on the details of what my agencies did and how they did it, and to establish a responsive relationship with the career leaders of my agencies or change them. I replaced the administrator of the Soil Conservation Service for continuing to ditch and drain precious wetlands, ignoring my orders. The Forest Service, a proud professional, semi-autonomous agency, was unused to constant oversight from the assistant secretary but took my direction with good grace. My job was to make decisions every day that reflected President Carter’s philosophy of government. “What would Jimmy do?” became my mantra. I knew he was a conservationist, and so was I. (He was a model farmer from the standpoint of soil and water conservation practices, and, incidentally, we shared the hobby of birdwatching!)

I was given almost complete discretion to follow my own instincts. Secretary Bergland, busy selling American farm products abroad and meeting with farm groups, said, “Rupe, run your shop, just don’t embarrass me.” I did and I didn’t. He had my back when the manufacturers (Dow Chemical) and applicators of the herbicide 2,4,5-T pounced on me for restricting its use on national forests because a contaminant of that herbicide, dioxin, was causing cancer, miscarriages and birth defects downstream from where the chemical was being sprayed on Douglas fir reforestation projects in western Oregon. Time for a new Forest Service herbicide-use policy. Let’s try a herd of goats instead, in some instances, I suggested.

I was given a free hand to hire my support staff. Betty Sickinger had served my predecessor as his executive assistant (senior secretary), had no problem serving a Democratic appointee after serving a Republican one, and knew the ropes, so I asked her to stay on. I needed an undersecretary to share the load and found the ideal partner in Dave Unger, then the executive vice president of the National Association of Soil and Water Conservation Districts (now the National Association of Conservation Districts). I asked Dave to come on board and concentrate on oversight of the Soil Conservation Service (now the Natural Resources Conservation Service). I invited Oregon Congressman Jim Weaver’s legislative director, Pete Sorenson, to be my personal assistant. Pete’s many services included attending conferences at which I was the speaker and, standing in the back of the hall to hold up a big sign, “TIME TO GO,” to signal I should wind it up before the questions became too difficult!

Rupert Cutler testifies before Congress on the Alaska lands bill. At left is Interior Secretary Cecil Andrus. Courtesy of Cutler.
Rupert Cutler testifies before Congress on the Alaska lands bill. At left is Interior Secretary Cecil Andrus. Courtesy of Cutler.

I became a player in some of the Carter administration’s noted environmental and foreign policy accomplishments, one of them being passage of the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act, or ANILCA. It provides special protection for 157 million acres of Alaskan wildland, more than doubling the size of the National Park System. I was pleased to be in the East Room of the White House on Dec. 2, 1980, when President Carter signed the act into law.

Admiralty Island in Alaska. Courtesy of U.S. Forest Service.
Admiralty Island in Alaska. Courtesy of U.S. Forest Service.

(Backstory: As a member of the team that drafted ANILCA, I fought successfully to keep Admiralty Island and Misty Fiords within the Tongass National Forest as national monument wildernesses rather than, as White House staff members close to Interior Secretary Cece Andrus suggested, moving them to National Park Service administration. After all, it was the Forest Service that began designating and protecting wilderness on federal land, with the Gila Wilderness in 1924.)

Less well known is an environmental initiative I embraced without White House permission, hoping for forgiveness rather than asking for advance approval if anything went wrong, called the second Roadless Area Review and Evaluation, or RARE II. Responding to Congressional criticism that the Forest Service couldn’t provide adequate data on roadless areas proposed by private groups for wilderness system protection, and at the suggestion of Forest Service Chief John McGuire, I enthusiastically agreed to the chief’s offer to review every acre of the National Forest System for its wilderness potential. 

McGuire’s team found 2,686 “roadless areas” in the 193 million-acre National Forest System. After an intensive review of each one, comparing its wilderness attributes with its development opportunities, we recommended to the president and ultimately to Congress that over 15 million more acres of the National Forest System be designated by Congress as statutory wilderness. Most of these recommendations became law over time. Almost as important, the process created an inventory of all 2,686 roadless areas that became the action agenda of wilderness groups as they sought successfully to enlarge the system, area by area, to its current 112 million acres that also is made up of national park, wildlife refuge and BLM-administered federal public lands — a source of pride among American conservationists.

Deng Xiaoping and Jimmy Carter during Sino-American signing ceremony in 1979. Courtesy of The White House.
Deng Xiaoping and Jimmy Carter during Sino-American signing ceremony in 1979. Courtesy of The White House.

I was also in the East Room of the White House on Jan. 31, 1979, to watch President Carter and China’s Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping sign documents normalizing diplomatic relations between the U.S. and the People’s Republic of China. I was there because I’d had the opportunity to represent U.S agricultural science on two missions to China in preparation for this ceremony, the first with presidential science adviser Dr. Frank Press from July 6-10, 1978, and the other with Secretary of Agriculture Bob Bergland from Nov. 4-14, 1978. Our Chinese hosts “rolled out the red carpet” for us (pun intended). Our visits took place soon after the end of Mao’s “Cultural Revolution” in 1976. The Chinese then were anxious to catch up with “the West” in the fields of science and technology. (They seem to have succeeded.)

Much has been written about President and Mrs. Carter’s awkwardness in Washington. They were a poor fit for a society built on warm personal relations despite party affiliation (e.g., Republican President Ronald Reagan and Democratic House Speaker “Tip” O’Neill being on cordial terms, as Reagan wrote in his memoirs, friends “after 6 p.m.”). I will never forget hearing about how astounded the Democratic Party “old guard” was at Mr. Carter’s flat refusal to consider attending a proposed big bash to celebrate his election to be held at the Washington Hilton hotel. All the living representatives of FDR’s New Deal, LBJ’s Great Society and all the rest of the donkey crowd were raring to go, but not the Carters.

Working productively with Congress, which usually involves “give and take,” or compromise, was not his strong suit. I was on the stage of the Old Executive Office Building (now the Dwight D. Eisenhower Building) with the secretary of the interior, the secretary of the army, the administrator of the EPA, and Jimmy and Rosalynn on the afternoon of April 18, 1977, when the president announced to a full house of senior members of Congress that he was going to recommend the deletion of funds for 18 long-planned water resource projects and the modification of five more such projects: dams for flood control, power generation, and irrigation; waterways for internal barge transportation and floodwater diversion; and water supply projects like the Central Arizona Project. You could have heard the proverbial pin drop at the conclusion of his remarks. He had taken the legislators by complete surprise, setting his sights on the demise of projects they had based their reelection campaigns on, “pork barrel” examples though many of them were. Not a crowd-pleaser.

Nor was President Carter’s proposed reorganization of the entire federal government, announced on April 6, 1977, at his signing of the Reorganization Act of 1977 into law. “The program will be directed by Bert Lance, who shares my enthusiasm for and serious commitment to the goal of making government work better,” said the president. I served on the White House-based multiagency team tasked with fleshing out this idea. With minor exceptions, it died without a whimper. It foundered, as had all previous such presidential initiatives, on the rocks of congressional committee jurisdiction, which they guarded jealously.

One old chestnut of these reorganization plans was to take the Forest Service out of the Department of Agriculture, move it back to where it began in 1881, the Department of the Interior, and create a Department of Natural Resources. The congressional committees of agriculture, long responsible for how the agency’s $9 billion budget was spent, did not agree and this did not happen.

(Backstory: Word reached me that the forest products industry, not pleased with my pro-wilderness position, was dickering with the White House on this one, offering its political support for this part of the reorg plan IF I would be fired and replaced by an assistant secretary of their choosing. That did not happen either.)

In the Oval Office. From left: Presidential adviser Stu Eisenstadt, Alaska Senator Ted Stevens, Cutler and President Jimmy Carter. Courtesy of Rupert Cutler
In the Oval Office. From left: Presidential adviser Stu Eisenstadt, Alaska Sen. Ted Stevens, Cutler and President Jimmy Carter. Courtesy of Rupert Cutler.

My one-on-one interactions with President Carter were brief and unsettling. Ready to offer him my recommendations on upcoming forestry policy decisions, I found myself instead on the receiving end of his thin smile and his detailed criticisms of my earlier hard-copy submissions on which he had written notes in a tiny hand. I often wondered if the president understood that the Forest Service was in the Department of Agriculture and not under the purview of his old ex-governor friend and secretary of the interior, Cecil “Cece” Andrus. One reason I felt this way was that the chief of the Forest Service, Max Peterson, and I found ourselves having to beg our way into the ceremony for the president’s signing of the law authorizing the creation of the Frank Church-River of No Return Wilderness in Idaho. Cece Andrus, previously governor of Idaho, was the man of the hour, invited to be on the stage to take the president’s thanks for this accomplishment. Granted, Andrus had been the governor of Idaho and a supporter of the designation, but the men who would be responsible for administering the area — the largest contiguous wilderness in the Lower 48 and located in the Salmon, Challis, Payette, Nez Perce and Bitterroot National Forests — were relegated to the role of spectators in the last row of the auditorium. Bummer.

Secretary Bergland, at my request, created an Office of Environmental Quality empowered to oversee the implementation of the National Environmental Policy Act, or NEPA, across all units of USDA. Under the direction of forester and former Forest Service and Office of Environmental Quality staff member Barry Flamm, the OEQ published what was to be the first edition of a series of annual reports on the role of USDA in protecting the environment. Its accomplishments also included organizing a panel presentation in the atrium of the USDA headquarters building by the legislative sponsors of NEPA, including Congressman John Dingell, to celebrate the 10th anniversary of that groundbreaking law that requires all federal agencies to prepare environmental impact statements on major federal projects. Incoming President Ronald Reagan torpedoed the OEQ about the same time he removed President Carter’s signature solar panels from the roof of the White House.

You may understandably assume that when Congress passes legislation and the president signs it into law, that is it — that the agency to which it is assigned will “just do it.” But “just doing it” involves the adoption of rules and regulations, the executive branch’s best shot at translating high-flown Congressional prose into language staff can understand and follow in the field. Not easy, and often very time-consuming. Case in point: the National Forest Management Act of 1976 that gives the Forest Service its marching orders as to how to write a unique management plan for every national forest. It wasn’t until October of 1979 that I was able to sign off as the responsible federal official on the final rules to implement this important law. Prior to that date, a “Committee of Scientists” led by my appointee, ecologist Art Cooper of North Carolina State University, labored through many drafts, field hearings and repeated published (and then withdrawn) versions attempting to be responsive to all those with an interest in how our national forests are to be managed. The result — multidisciplinary plans providing for fish and wildlife and wilderness protection, not just timber sales — was worth the effort.

One sacred tenet of the Forest Service’s is “even-flow sustained yield” timber harvest, meaning that it will sell no greater volume of timber each year than can be grown in that time. President Carter’s “inflation czar,” Robert Strauss, sent a representative to my office to tell us to sell national forest timber below the cost of conducting the sales and building the necessary access roads — essentially giving federal timber away — to reduce the cost of lumber in new homes and strike a blow at the high cost of housing. I doubted this was a good idea, but we followed orders.

As spokesperson for President Carter at the annual conference of the Virginia Cooperative Extension Service in Blacksburg in 1979, I advised these good folks that it was time for them to integrate their Blacksburg-based white staff and their Petersburg-based Black staff into one program. As the political appointee over the Economic Research Service, I directed its administrator to step up that agency’s research efforts in the areas of organic farming and gardening and integrated pest management (pesticide spraying based on need rather than on the calendar) and to create a new garden in the National Arboretum in northeast Washington to show homeowners which shrubs and trees to plants to attract birds to their yards. Every day, as Sen. Tim Kaine says his father-in-law, Gov. Linwood Holton, used to remind his family, was “opportunity day.”

Thank you, Jimmy Carter. To serve in your subcabinet, given so much discretion, to do my bit to turn the federal enterprise in the direction of a healthy, beautiful and sustainable environment, was the opportunity of a lifetime.

The post Roanoke’s Rupert Cutler on what it was like to work for Jimmy Carter appeared first on Cardinal News.

Forest Service seeks input on Virginia Creeper Trail rebuild; more … [Cardinal News] (03:45 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

A mangled metal trestle rests against an overgrown creek bank.

Here’s a roundup of news briefs from around Southwest and Southside. Send yours for possible inclusion to news@cardinalnews.org.

Forest Service seeks input on Virginia Creeper Trail rebuild

The U.S. Forest Service is seeking public input on the reconstruction of 17 miles of the Virginia Creeper Trail in Washington and Grayson counties that were damaged or destroyed by the remnants of Hurricane Helene.

The Forest Service proposes to maintain and improve minimally affected areas, reconstruct and possibly reroute damaged segments of the trail, and replace trestles.

The public can comment online on the scope of the project and identify potential issues, through Jan. 31.

More detailed information is also online.

Youngkin makes state board appointments

Gov. Glenn Youngkin has announced another round of state board appointments, including these residents of Southwest and Southside:

Small Grains Board: Josey Moore of Campbell County, grain merchandiser, Virginia Farm Bureau.

Tobacco Region Revitalization Commission: H. Wayne Carter III of Mecklenburg County, executive director, Southside Regional Public Service Authority; Sandra Frederick of Abingdon, associate professor of education, Emory & Henry University, and member, Washington County School Board; Hampton Wilkins of Danville, owner and president, Wilkins & Co. Realty Inc. and Wilkins General Contractors.

State Historical Records Advisory Board: Angela Rice of Hurt, dean, Jerry Falwell Library, Liberty University.

Aerospace Advisory Council: Tombo Jones of Christiansburg, director, Virginia Tech’s Mid Atlantic Aviation Partnership. 

Virginia Humanities announces awards to nonprofits

Virginia Humanities announced $35,300 in grants and sponsorships to nine nonprofit organizations across Virginia.

The following grants and sponsorships were awarded between Oct. 1 and Dec. 31:

  • Coming Home: Researching African American roots and ancestry in Amherst County and Lynchburg. Amherst Glebe Arts Response Inc., $3,700.
  • Continuing the Tradition: Washington County Ceramics in the 20th Century. William King Museum of Art, $2,000.
  • MidMountain Marginalized Storytelling Project. MidMountain, Natural Bridge Station, $5,000. 
  • 4th Annual Colonial Beach Juneteenth Celebration. Coming to the Table CBVA, $4,850.
  • Fall for the Book Mini Fest. Fall for the Book Inc., Fairfax, $5,000. 
  • YAPs: A Documentary Film. Victory Hall Opera, Charlottesville, $5,000.
  • The Malaga Ship: A story of Maine and the Middle Passage. Better Said Than Done, Fairfax, $1,250. 
  • I See Me Play in RVA! Children’s Museum of Richmond, $2,000.
  • Indie Short Film Festival. Lifeview Marketing, Charlottesville, $1,500.

The post Forest Service seeks input on Virginia Creeper Trail rebuild; more … appeared first on Cardinal News.

Forest Service seeks input on Virginia Creeper Trail rebuild; more … [Cardinal News] (03:45 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

A mangled metal trestle rests against an overgrown creek bank.

Here’s a roundup of news briefs from around Southwest and Southside. Send yours for possible inclusion to news@cardinalnews.org.

Forest Service seeks input on Virginia Creeper Trail rebuild

The U.S. Forest Service is seeking public input on the reconstruction of 17 miles of the Virginia Creeper Trail in Washington and Grayson counties that were damaged or destroyed by the remnants of Hurricane Helene.

The Forest Service proposes to maintain and improve minimally affected areas, reconstruct and possibly reroute damaged segments of the trail, and replace trestles.

The public can comment online on the scope of the project and identify potential issues, through Jan. 31.

More detailed information is also online.

Youngkin makes state board appointments

Gov. Glenn Youngkin has announced another round of state board appointments, including these residents of Southwest and Southside:

Small Grains Board: Josey Moore of Campbell County, grain merchandiser, Virginia Farm Bureau.

Tobacco Region Revitalization Commission: H. Wayne Carter III of Mecklenburg County, executive director, Southside Regional Public Service Authority; Sandra Frederick of Abingdon, associate professor of education, Emory & Henry University, and member, Washington County School Board; Hampton Wilkins of Danville, owner and president, Wilkins & Co. Realty Inc. and Wilkins General Contractors.

State Historical Records Advisory Board: Angela Rice of Hurt, dean, Jerry Falwell Library, Liberty University.

Aerospace Advisory Council: Tombo Jones of Christiansburg, director, Virginia Tech’s Mid Atlantic Aviation Partnership. 

Virginia Humanities announces awards to nonprofits

Virginia Humanities announced $35,300 in grants and sponsorships to nine nonprofit organizations across Virginia.

The following grants and sponsorships were awarded between Oct. 1 and Dec. 31:

  • Coming Home: Researching African American roots and ancestry in Amherst County and Lynchburg. Amherst Glebe Arts Response Inc., $3,700.
  • Continuing the Tradition: Washington County Ceramics in the 20th Century. William King Museum of Art, $2,000.
  • MidMountain Marginalized Storytelling Project. MidMountain, Natural Bridge Station, $5,000. 
  • 4th Annual Colonial Beach Juneteenth Celebration. Coming to the Table CBVA, $4,850.
  • Fall for the Book Mini Fest. Fall for the Book Inc., Fairfax, $5,000. 
  • YAPs: A Documentary Film. Victory Hall Opera, Charlottesville, $5,000.
  • The Malaga Ship: A story of Maine and the Middle Passage. Better Said Than Done, Fairfax, $1,250. 
  • I See Me Play in RVA! Children’s Museum of Richmond, $2,000.
  • Indie Short Film Festival. Lifeview Marketing, Charlottesville, $1,500.

The post Forest Service seeks input on Virginia Creeper Trail rebuild; more … appeared first on Cardinal News.

Legislation to bar transgender women from women’s sports fails first test; more … [Cardinal News] (03:40 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

The State Capitol. Photo by Bob Brown

Here are some of the top headlines from other news outlets around Virginia. Some content may be behind a metered paywall:

Politics:

Legislation to bar transgender women from women’s sports fails first test. — Richmond Times-Dispatch (paywall).

Youngkin, Democrats clash over scholarships for private schools. — Virginia Mercury.

State revenues up $900 million in first six months of fiscal year. — Richmond Times-Dispatch (paywall).

Minimum wage hike clears hurdle in House committee. — Virginia Mercury.

Weather:

For more weather news, follow weather journalist Kevin Myatt on Twitter / X at @kevinmyattwx and sign up for his free weather email newsletter. His weekly column appears in Cardinal News each Wednesday afternoon.

The post Legislation to bar transgender women from women’s sports fails first test; more … appeared first on Cardinal News.

Legislation to bar transgender women from women’s sports fails first test; more … [Cardinal News] (03:40 , Friday, 17 January 2025)

The State Capitol. Photo by Bob Brown

Here are some of the top headlines from other news outlets around Virginia. Some content may be behind a metered paywall:

Politics:

Legislation to bar transgender women from women’s sports fails first test. — Richmond Times-Dispatch (paywall).

Youngkin, Democrats clash over scholarships for private schools. — Virginia Mercury.

State revenues up $900 million in first six months of fiscal year. — Richmond Times-Dispatch (paywall).

Minimum wage hike clears hurdle in House committee. — Virginia Mercury.

Weather:

For more weather news, follow weather journalist Kevin Myatt on Twitter / X at @kevinmyattwx and sign up for his free weather email newsletter. His weekly column appears in Cardinal News each Wednesday afternoon.

The post Legislation to bar transgender women from women’s sports fails first test; more … appeared first on Cardinal News.

Thursday, 16 January 2025

Ctrl-Alt-Speech: Bullshit In A China Shop [Techdirt] (10:56 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

Ctrl-Alt-Speech is a weekly podcast about the latest news in online speech, from Mike Masnick and Everything in Moderation‘s Ben Whitelaw.

Subscribe now on Apple Podcasts, Overcast, Spotify, Pocket Casts, YouTube, or your podcast app of choice — or go straight to the RSS feed.

In this week’s round-up of the latest news in online speech, content moderation and internet regulation, Mike and Ben cover:

If you’re in London on Thursday 30th January, join Ben, Mark Scott (Digital Politics) and Georgia Iacovou (Horrific/Terrific) for an evening of tech policy, discussion and drinks. Register your interest.

This episode is brought to you with financial support from the Future of Online Trust & Safety Fund.

The NHL Just Can’t Get Social Media Right [Techdirt] (07:34 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

The NHL keeps doing this kind of crap to itself. Of all the major American sports leagues, I’d say it’s pretty clear that the National Hockey League trails all the others in terms of getting things right with the internet. The league finally piggybacked onto the MLB Advanced Media platform several years ago to power its game-streaming service, only to have that entire product descend into the hell that is the NHL’s strict blackout rules. Making an app about the NHL and want to use the league’s name as a searchable keyword so customers can find it? Well, that is apparently trademark infringement.

The point is that the NHL is the pro-sports version of our curmudgeonly uncle that hates modernity and all this new-fangled techno-gizmos the young whipper-snappers are always staring at instead of going outside and playing with a stick or something. And so, perhaps it’s no surprise that a whole bunch of content creators on YouTube that focus on the NHL were suddenly hit with a flurry of copyright notices and demonitizations.

According to multiple content creators, the effects of the copyright claims ranged from having the monetization of their videos redirected to the league to some of the videos being outright blocked. In a video posted to his channel explaining the issues, popular YouTuber EckhartsLadder expressed doubt that moving forward as an NHL content creator would be viable with such restrictions.

“I can’t pussyfoot around and maybe get videos monetized if I want to upload at the same rate,” the content creator said in the video. “I also don’t want to move around from using footage… for me personally, if I can’t make this content, content which I think is engaging, where the clips add a lot of value, where you can see what I am breaking down, it’s just not worth it. And again, I won’t play around with the NHL’s dumb rules.”

Now, the NHL eventually blamed this on a “setting error”, whatever the hell that means. Given how it seemed that any video that used even a tiny snippet of NHL video content within it was getting this copyright treatment, I suppose perhaps an automated takedown bot may have been accidentally set to take action on any NHL footage it could find. But even if that is indeed the true explanation, meaning all of this was a giant accident, that level of incompetency for a league that desperately needs all the attention and free marketing these YouTubers provide can’t be tolerated.

And won’t be if things don’t start changing, judging by some of the comments from these creators.

“The NHL here, in my honest opinion, is shooting itself in the foot,” EckhartsLadder says in his video. “Us as creators, I think, are doing a great job of marketing the game, of keeping people interested in the game. In the age of blackouts, 82-game seasons, 32 teams, I’ve heard so many times that my viewers, that the viewers of these other channels, rely on our content to keep their interest in the NHL high.”

“This is golden opportunity for the @NHL to work with its creators to grow the game. I hope we can find a solution,” the X account for another popular YouTuber, Hockey Psychology, posted. “Monetization provides incentive for creators. If you want to work in hockey, it’s crucial that you know there’s a future in it. Monetization provides that. Could be an @NHL creators program? Either way, It’s the best sport on earth. Let us help you cover the game @NHL”

It is very clear that there a bunch of truly pissed off NHL content creators out there. And, as several of the comments have stated, the NHL really needs to start reaching out to these folks and begin cultivating relationships with them. This is how interest in sports spread these days. MLB, the NBA, and the NFL all know this. There is content on YouTube and social media for those leagues all the time.

Hockey is a great game. I know that. Perhaps others will know it, too, if the NHL allows the sport this free promotion.

The Debian Project mourns the loss of Steve Langasek (vorlon) [Debian News] (07:00 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

The Debian Project is sad to announce the loss of Steve Langasek (vorlon), who passed away on Wednesday, January 1 2025. He was 45.

Platforms Systematically Removed A User Because He Made “Most Wanted CEO” Playing Cards [Techdirt] (04:13 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

On December 14, James Harr, the owner of an online store called ComradeWorkwear, announced on social media that he planned to sell a deck of “Most Wanted CEO” playing cards, satirizing the infamous “Most-wanted Iraqi playing cards” introduced by the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency in 2003. Per the ComradeWorkwear website, the Most Wanted CEO cards would offer “a critique of the capitalist machine that sacrifices people and planet for profit,” and “Unmask the oligarchs, CEOs, and profiteers who rule our world… From real estate moguls to weapons manufacturers.”  

But within a day of posting his plans for the card deck to his combined 100,000 followers on Instagram and TikTok, the New York Post ran a front page story on Harr, calling the cards “disturbing.” Less than 5 hours later, officers from the New York City Police Department came to Harr’s door to interview him. They gave no indication he had done anything illegal or would receive any further scrutiny, but the next day the New York police commissioner held the New York Post story up during a press conference after announcing charges against Luigi Mangione, the alleged assassin of UnitedHealth Group CEO Brian Thompson. Shortly thereafter, platforms from TikTok to Shopify disabled both the company’s accounts and Harr’s personal accounts, simply because he used the moment to highlight what he saw as the harms that large corporations and their CEOs cause.

Harr was not alone. After the assassination, thousands of people took to social media to express their negative experiences with the healthcare industry, to speculate about who was behind the murder, and to show their sympathy for either the victim or the shooter—if social media platforms allowed them to do so. Many users reported having their accounts banned and content removed after sharing comments about Luigi Mangione, Thompson’s alleged assassin. TikTok, for example reportedly removed comments that simply said, “Free Luigi.” Even seemingly benign content, such as a post about Mangione’s astrological sign or a video montage of him set to music, was deleted from Threads, according to users. 

The Most Wanted CEO playing cards did not reference Mangione, and the cards—which have not been released—would not include personal information about any CEO. In his initial posts about the cards, Harr said he planned to include QR codes with more information about each company and, in his view, what dangers the companies present. Each suit would represent a different industry, and the back of each card would include a generic shooting-range style silhouette. As Harr put it in his now-removed video, the cards would include “the person, what they’re a part of, and a QR code that goes to dedicated pages that explain why they’re evil. So you could be like, ‘Why is the CEO of Walmart evil? Why is the CEO of Northrop Grumman evil?’” 

Mockup image of CEO playing cards showing Richard Sackler of Purdue Pharma, Jeff Bezos of Amazon and The Murdochs of News Corp.A design for the Most Wanted CEO playing cards

Many have riffed on the military’s tradition of using playing cards to help troops learn about the enemy. You can currently find “Gaza’s Most Wanted” playing cards on Instagram, purportedly depicting “leaders and commanders of various groups such as the IRGC, Hezbollah, Hamas, Houthis, and numerous leaders within Iran-backed militias.” A Shopify store selling “Covid’s Most Wanted” playing cards, displaying figures like Bill Gates and Anthony Fauci, and including QR codes linking to a website “where all the crimes and evidence are listed,” is available as of this writing. Hero Decks, which sells novelty playing cards generally showing sports figures, even produced a deck of “Wall Street Most Wanted” cards in 2003 (popular enough to have a second edition). 

As we’ve said many times, content moderation at scale, whether human or automated, is impossible to do perfectly and nearly impossible to do well. Companies often get it wrong and remove content or whole accounts that those affected by the content would agree do not violate the platform’s terms of service or community guidelines. Conversely, they allow speech that could arguably be seen to violate those terms and guidelines. That has been especially true for speech related to divisive topics and during heated national discussions. These mistakes often remove important voices, perspectives, and context, regularly impacting not just everyday users but journalistshuman rights defendersartistssex worker advocacy groupsLGBTQ+ advocatespro-Palestinian activists, and political groups. In some instances, this even harms people’s livelihoods. 

Instagram disabled the ComradeWorkwear account for “not following community standards,” with no further information provided. Harr’s personal account was also banned. Meta has a policy against the “glorification” of dangerous organizations and people, which it defines as “legitimizing or defending the violent or hateful acts of a designated entity by claiming that those acts have a moral, political, logical or other justification that makes them acceptable or reasonable.” Meta’s Oversight Board has overturned multiple moderation decisions by the company regarding its application of this policy. While Harr had posted to Instagram that “the CEO must die” after Thompson’s assassination, he included an explanation that, “When we say the ceo must die, we mean the structure of capitalism must be broken.” (Compare this to a series of Instagram story posts from musician Ethel Cain, whose account is still available, which used the hashtag #KillMoreCEOs, for one of many examples of how moderation affects some people and not others.) 

TikTok reported that Harr violated the platform’s community guidelines with no additional information. The platform has a policy against “promoting (including any praise, celebration, or sharing of manifestos) or providing material support” to violent extremists or people who cause serial or mass violence. TikTok gave Harr no opportunity for appeal, and continued to remove additional accounts Harr only created to  update his followers on his life. TikTok did not point to any specific piece of content that violated its guidelines. 

On December 20, PayPal informed Harr it could no longer continue processing payments for ComradeWorkwear, with no information about why. Shopify informed Harr that his store was selling “offensive content,” and his Shopify and Apple Pay accounts would both be disabled. In a follow-up email, Shopify told Harr the decision to close his account “was made by our banking partners who power the payment gateway.”  

Harr’s situation is not unique. Financial and social media platforms have an enormous amount of control over our online expression, and we’ve long been critical of their over-moderation,  uneven enforcement, lack of transparency, and failure to offer reasonable appeals. This is why EFF co-created The Santa Clara Principles on transparency and accountability in content moderation, along with a broad coalition of organizations, advocates, and academic experts. These platforms have the resources to set the standard for content moderation, but clearly don’t apply their moderation evenly, and in many instances, aren’t even doing the basics—like offering clear notices and opportunities for appeal.  

Harr was one of many who expressed frustration online with the growing power of corporations. These voices shouldn’t be silenced into submission simply for drawing attention to the influence that they have. These are exactly the kinds of actions that Harr intended to highlight. If the Most Wanted CEO deck is ever released, it shouldn’t be a surprise for the CEOs of these platforms to find themselves in the lineup. 

Originally posted to the EFF’s Deeplinks blog

Home Microsoft 365 plans use Copilot AI features as pretext for a price hike [Biz & IT – Ars Technica] (02:49 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

Microsoft has two announcements for subscribers to its Microsoft 365 Personal and Family plans today. First, you're getting the Copilot-powered AI features that Microsoft has been rolling out to businesses and Copilot Pro subscribers, like summarizing or generating text in Word, drafting slideshows in PowerPoint based on a handful of criteria, or analyzing data in Excel. Second, you'll be paying more for the privilege of using those features, to the tune of an extra $3 a month or $30 a year.

This raises the price of a Microsoft 365 Personal subscription from $7 a month or $70 a year to $10 and $100; a family subscription goes from $10 a month or $100 a year to $13 a month or $130 a year. For current subscribers, these prices go into effect the next time your plan renews.

Current subscribers are also being given an escape hatch "for a limited time." "Classic" Personal and Family plans at the old prices with no Copilot features included will still be offered, but you'll need to go to the "services & subscriptions" page of your Microsoft account and attempt to cancel your existing subscription to be offered the discounted pricing.

Read full article

Comments

Scrubbing ZFS pools auomation on FreeBSD [Open source software and nice hardware] (02:14 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

+++ Thursday 16 January 2025 +++


Scrubbing ZFS pools automation on FreeBSD
========================================

FreeBSD offers a wonderful ZFS integration. For quite some time
is has been possible to boot from ZFS pools and even from
encrypted ZFS pools.

FreeBSD comes with a toolbox with everything you need to use ZFS.

FreeBSD together with ZFS is a great combination for the systems
in your home network, for workstations like your laptop or PC,
as well as for servers.

Combined with the FreeBSD bhyve hypervisor and the FreeBSD jail
container technology, using ZFS really shines. The ZFS snapshot
and clone methods allow for very fast deployment of virtual
machines and jails.

Snapshots can be copied with the `zfs send' and `zfs receive'
command pair, this can be locally and also over the network,
sending a snapshot from one machine and receiving it another.
This gives great flexibility and also a very reliable way to
create remote backups.

Scrubbing
---------
When you scrub a ZFS pool, the process traverses all the data in the
pool once and verifies that all blocks can be read. This is a good
way to check the data integrity and discover any problems before it
is too late.

The process runs in the background, and usually you won't notice
any performance effects.

To manually start the scrubbing process, simply apply the command

  zpool scrub 

like `zpool scrub zroot'.

This will start the scrubbing in the background.

The command `zpool status' will show the estimated time for the
process to finish. When done, it will report any errors the
scrubbing process brought to light.

Automated scrubbing
-------------------
On FreeBSD it is easy to automate the start of a scrubbing process.
For this we use the periodic scripts.

Simply add the following lines to /etc/periodic.conf:

   daily_scrub_zfs_enable="YES"
   daily_scrub_zfs_default_threshold="28"

With this, on the 28-st day after the previous scrub, a new scrub
process will be started automatically.

If you want to get some insight in your inbox, also add the following
line to /etc/periodic.conf:

   daily_status_zfs_enable="YES"

This will daily send an email with information related to your
ZFS pools. This email will be send to the `root' user.
In the file /etc/aliases you can set the appropriate email address
for this user, like:

   root: myname@mydomain.com

or

   root: myname@mydomain.com, my-othername@some-domain.com

Don't forget to run `newaliases' after any change of the
/etc/aliases file.

The email will contain messages like:

  Scrubbing of zfs pools:
     skipping scrubbing of pool 'zroot':
        last scrubbing is 20 days ago, threshold is set to 28 days

and you know you don't have to worry about this.


Have a joyful time with your FreeBSD systems!


Last edited: $Date: 2025/01/16 20:14:57 $
   

Scrubbing ZFS pools auomation on FreeBSD [Open source software and nice hardware] (02:14 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

+++ Thursday 16 January 2025 +++


Scrubbing ZFS pools auomation on FreeBSD
========================================

FreeBSD offers a wonderful ZFS integration. For quite some time
is has been possible to boot from ZFS pools and even from
encrypted ZFS pools.

FreeBSD comes with a toolbox with everything you need to use ZFS.

FreeBSD together with ZFS is a great combination for the systems
in your home network, for workstations like your laptop or PC,
as well as for servers.

Combined with the FreeBSD bhyve hypervisor and the FreeBSD jail
container technology, using ZFS really shines. The ZFS snapshot
and clone methods allow for very fast deployment of virtual
machines and jails.

Snapshots can be copied with the `zfs send' and `zfs receive'
command pair, this can be locally and also over the network,
sending a snapshot from one machine and receiving it another.
This gives great flexibility and also a very reliable way to
create remote backups.

Scrubbing
---------
When you scrub a ZFS pool, the process traverses all the data in the
pool once and verifies that all blocks can be read. This is a good
way to check the data integrity and discover any problems before it
is too late.

The process runs in the background, and usually you won't notice
any performance effects.

To manually start the scrubbing process, simply apply the command

  zpool scrub 

like `zpool scrub zroot'.

This will start the scrubbing in the background.

The command `zpool status' will show the estimated time for the
process to finish. When done, it will report any errors the
scrubbing process brought to light.

Automated scrubbing
-------------------
On FreeBSD it is easy to automate the start of a scrubbing process.
For this we use the periodic scripts.

Simply add the following lines to /etc/periodic.conf:

   daily_scrub_zfs_enable="YES"
   daily_scrub_zfs_default_threshold="28"

With this, on the 28-st day after the previous scrub, a new scrub
process will be started automatically.

If you want to get some insight in your inbox, also add the following
line to /etc/periodic.conf:

   daily_status_zfs_enable="YES"

This will daily send an email with information related to your
ZFS pools. This email will be send to the `root' user.
In the file /etc/aliases you can set the appropriate email address
for this user, like:

   root: myname@mydomain.com

or

   root: myname@mydomain.com, my-othername@some-domain.com

Don't forget to run `newaliases' after any change of the
/etc/aliases file.

The email will contain messages like:

  Scrubbing of zfs pools:
     skipping scrubbing of pool 'zroot':
        last scrubbing is 20 days ago, threshold is set to 28 days

and you know you don't have to worry about this.


Have a joyful time with your FreeBSD systems!


Last edited: $Date: 2025/01/16 20:14:56 $
   

Rogan Misses The Mark: How Zuck’s Misdirection On Gov’t Pressure Goes Unchallenged [Techdirt] (02:02 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

If you only remember two things about the government pressure campaign to influence Mark Zuckerberg’s content moderation decisions, make it these: Donald Trump directly threatened to throw Zuck in prison for the rest of his life, and just a couple months ago FCC Commissioner (soon to be FCC chair) Brendan Carr threatened Meta that if it kept on fact-checking stories in a way Carr didn’t like, he would try to remove Meta’s Section 230 protections in response.

Two months later — what do you know? — Zuckerberg ended all fact-checking on Meta. But when he went on Joe Rogan, rather than blaming those actual obvious threats, he instead blamed the Biden administration, because some admin officials sent angry emails… which Zuck repeatedly admits had zero impact on Meta’s actual policies.

Mark Zuckerberg may be done with fact-checking, but we can still fact-check Mark Zuckerberg. And especially some of the misleading narratives coming out of his latest interview with Joe Rogan.

Indeed, this very fact check may be a good example of what I talked about regarding Zuckerberg’s decision to end fact-checking, which is that it’s not as straightforward as some people think, as layers of bullshit may be presented misleadingly around a kernel of truth, and peeling back the layers is important for understanding.

Indeed, this is my second attempt at writing this article. I killed the first version soon after it hit 10,000 words and I realized no one was going to read all that. So this is a more simplified version of what happened, which can be summarized as: the actual threats came from the GOP, to which Zuckerberg quickly caved. The supposed threats from the Biden admin were overhyped, exaggerated, and misrepresented, and Zuck directly admits he was able to easily refuse those requests.

All the rest is noise.

I know that people who dislike Rogan dismiss him out of hand, but I actually think he’s often a good interviewer for certain kinds of conversations. He’s willing to speak to all sorts of people and even ask dumb questions, taking on the role of listeners/viewers. And that’s actually really useful (and enlightening) in certain circumstances.

Where it goes off the rails, such as here, is where (1) nuance and detail matter and (2) where the person he is interviewing has an agenda to push with a message that he knows Rogan will eat up, and knows Rogan does not understand enough to pick apart what really happened.

This is not the first time that Zuckerberg has gone on Rogan and launched a narrative by saying things that are technically true in a manner that is misleading, likely knowing that Rogan and his fans wouldn’t understand the nuances, and would run with a misleading story.

Two and a half years ago, he went on Joe Rogan and said that the FBI had warned the company about the potential for hack and leak efforts put forth by the Russians, which Rogan and a whole bunch of people, including the mainstream media, falsely interpreted as “the FBI told us to block the Hunter Biden laptop story.”

Except that’s not what he said. He was asked about the NY Post story (which Facebook never actually blocked, they only — briefly — blocked it from “trending”), and Zuckerberg very carefully worded his answer to say something that was already known, but which people not listening carefully might think revealed something new:

The background here is that the FBI came to us – some folks on our team – and was like ‘hey, just so you know, you should be on high alert. We thought there was a lot of Russian propaganda in the 2016 election, we have it on notice that basically there’s about to be some kind of dump that’s similar to that’.

But the fact that the FBI had sent out a general warning to all of social media to be on the lookout for disinfo campaigns like that was widely known and reported on way earlier. The FBI did not comment specifically on the Hunter Biden laptop story, nor did they tell Facebook (or anyone) to take anything down.

Still, that turned into a big thing, and a bunch of folks thought it was a big revelation. In part because when Zuck told that story to Rogan, Rogan acted like it was big reveal, because Rogan doesn’t know the background or the details or the fact that this had been widely reported. He also doesn’t realize there’s a huge difference between a general “be on the lookout” warning and a “hey, take this down!” demand, with the former being standard and the latter being likely unconstitutional.

In other words, Zuck has a history of using Rogan’s platform to spread dubious narratives, knowing that Rogan lacks the background knowledge to push back in the moment.

After that happened, I was at least open to the idea that Zuck just spoke in generalities and didn’t realize how Rogan and audience would take what he said and run with it, believing a very misleading story. But now that he’s done it again, it seems quite likely that this is deliberate. When Zuckerberg wants to get a misleading story out to a MAGA-friendly audience, he can reliably dupe Rogan’s listeners.

Indeed, this interview was, in many ways, similar to what happened two years ago. He was relating things that were already widely known in a misleading way, and Rogan was reacting like something big was being revealed. And then the media runs with it because they don’t know the details and nuances either.

This time, Zuckerberg talks about the supposed pressure from the Biden administration as a reason for his problematic announcement last week:

Rogan: What do you think started the pathway towards increasing censorship? Because clearly we were going in that direction for the last few years. It seemed like uh we really found out about it when Elon bought Twitter and we got the Twitter Files and when you came on here and when you were explaining the relationship with FBI where they were trying to get you to take down certain things that were true and real and certain things they tried to get you to limit the exposure to them. So it’s these kind of conversations. Like when did all that start?

So first off, note the framing of this question. It’s not accurate at all. Social media websites have always had content moderation/content policy efforts. Indeed, Facebook was historically way more aggressive than most. If you don’t, your platform fills up with spam, scams, abuse, and porn.

That’s just how it works. And, indeed, Facebook in the early days was aggressively paternalistic about what was — and what was not — allowed on its site. Remember its famously prudish “no nudity” policy? Hell, there was an entire Radiolab podcast about how difficult that was to implement in practice.

So, first, calling it “censorship” is misleading, because it’s just how you handle violations of your rules, which is why moderation is always a better term for it. Rogan has never invited me on his podcast. Is that censorship? Of course not. He has rules (and standards!) for who he platforms. So does Meta. Rejecting some speech is not “censorship”, it’s just enforcing your own rules on your own private property.

Second, Rogan himself is already misrepresenting what Zuckerberg told him two years ago about the FBI. Zuck did not say that the FBI was trying to get Facebook to “take down certain things that were true and real” and “limit the exposure to them.” They only said to be on the lookout for potential attempts by foreign governments to interfere with an election, leaving it up to the platforms to decide how to handle that.

On top of that, the idea that the simple fact of how content moderation works only became public with the Twitter Files is false. The Twitter Files revealed… a whole bunch of nothing interesting that idiots have misinterpreted badly. Indeed we know this because (1) we paid attention, and (2) Elon’s own legal team admitted in court that what people were misleadingly claiming about the Twitter Files wasn’t what was actually said.

From there, Zuck starts his misleading but technically accurate-ish response:

Zuck: Yeah, well, look, I think going back to the beginning, or like I was saying, I think you start one of these if you care about giving people a voice, you know? I wasn’t too deep on our content policies for like the first 10 years of the company. It was just kind of well known across the company that, um, we were trying to give people the ability to share as much as possible.

And, issues would come up, practical issues, right? So if someone’s getting bullied, for example, we deal with that, right? We put in place systems to fight bullying, you know? If someone is saying hey um you know someone’s pirating copyrighted content on on the service, it’s like okay we’ll build controls to make it so we’ll find IP protected content.

But it was really in the last 10 years that people started pushing for like ideological-based censorship and I think it was two main events that really triggered this. In 2016 there was the election of President Trump, also coincided with basically Brexit in the EU and sort of the fragmentation of the EU. And then you know in 2020 there was COVID. And I think that those were basically these two events where for the first time we just faced this massive massive institutional pressure to basically start censoring content on ideological grounds….

So this part is fundamentally, sorta, kinda accurate, which sets up the kernel of truth around which much bullshit will be built. It’s true that Zuck didn’t pay much attention to content policies on the site early on, but it’s nonsense that it was about “giving people a voice.” That’s Zuck retconning the history of Facebook. Remember, they only added things like the Newsfeed (which was more about letting people talk) when Twitter came about and Zuck freaked out that Twitter would destroy Facebook.

Second, he then admits that the company has always moderated, though he’s wrong that it was so reactive. From quite early on (as mentioned above) the company had decently strict content policies regarding how the site was moderated. And, really, much of that was based around wanting to make sure that users had a good experience on the site. So yes, things like bullying were blocked.

But what is bullying is a very subjective thing, and so much of content moderation is just teams trying to tell you to stop being such a jackass.

It is true that there was pressure on Facebook to take moderation challenges more seriously starting in 2016, and (perhaps?!?) if he had actually spent more time understanding trust & safety at that time, he would have a better understanding of the issues. But he didn’t, which meant that he made a mess of things, and then tried to “fix it” with weird programs like the Oversight Board.

But it also meant that he’s never, ever been good at explaining the inherent tradeoffs in trust & safety, and how some people are always going to dislike the choices you make. A good leader of a social network understands and can explain those tradeoffs. But that’s not Zuck.

Also, and this is important, Zuckerberg’s claims about pressure to moderate on “ideological” grounds are incredibly misleading. Yes, I’m sure some people were putting pressure on him around that, but it was far from mainstream and easy to ignore. People were asking him to stop potentially dangerous misinformation that was causing harm. For example, the genocide in Myanmar. Or information around COVID that was potentially legitimately dangerous.

In other words, it was really (like so much of trust & safety) an extension of the “no bullying” rule. The same was true of protecting marginalized groups like LGBTQ+ users or on issues like Black Lives Matter. The demands from users (not the government in those cases) were about protecting more marginalized communities from harassment and bullying.

I’m going to jump ahead because Zuck and Rogan say a lot of stupid shit here, but this article will get too long if I go through all of it. So let’s jump forward a couple of minutes, to where Zuckerberg really flubs his First Amendment 101 in embarrassing ways while trying to describe how Meta chose to handle moderation of COVID misinformation.

Zuckerberg: Covid was the other big one. Where that was also very tricky because you know at the beginning it was, you know, it’s like a legitimate “public health crisis,” you know, in the beginning.

And it’s… even people who are like the most ardent First Amendment defenders… that the Supreme Court has this clear precedent, that’s like all right you can’t yell fire in a crowded theater. There are times when if there’s an emergency your ability to speak can temporarily be curtailed in order to get an emergency under control.

So I was sympathetic to that at the beginning of Covid, it seemed like, okay you have this virus, seems like it’s killing a lot of people. I don’t know like we didn’t know at the time how dangerous it was going to be. So, at the beginning, it kind of seemed like okay we should give a little bit of deference to the government and the health authorities on how we should play this.

But when it went from, you know, two weeks to flatten the curve to… in like in the beginning it was like okay there aren’t enough masks, masks aren’t that important to, then, it’s like oh no you have to wear a mask. And you know all the, like everything, was shifting around. It just became very difficult to kind of follow.

In trying to defend Meta’s approach to COVID misinformation, Zuck manages to mangle First Amendment law in a way that’s both legally inaccurate and irrelevant to the actual issues at play.

There’s so much to unpack here. First off, he totally should have someone explain the First Amendment to him. He not only got it wrong, he even got it wrong in a way that is different than how most people get it wrong. We’ve covered the whole “fire in a crowded theater” thing so many times here on Techdirt, so we’ll do the abbreviated version:

  1. It’s not a “clear precedent.” It’s not a precedent at all. It was an offhand comment (in legal terms: dicta, so not precedential) in a case about jailing someone for handing out anti-war literature (something most people today would recognize as pretty clearly a First Amendment problem).
  2. The Justice who said it, Oliver Wendell Holmes, appeared to regret it almost immediately, and in a similar case very shortly thereafter changed his tune and became a much more “ardent First Amendment defender.”
  3. Most courts and lawyers (though there are a few holdouts) insist that whatever precedent there was in Schenck (which again, did not include that line) was effectively overruled a half century later in a different case that rejected the test in Schenck and moved to the “incitement to imminent lawless action” test.

So, quoting “fire in a crowded theater” these days is generally used as a (very bad, misguided) defense of saying “well, there’s some speech that’s so bad it’s obviously unprotected,” but without being able to explain why this particular speech is unprotected.

But Zuck isn’t even using it in that way. He seems to have missed that the whole point of the Holmes dicta (again, not precedent) was to talk about falsely yelling fire. Zuck implies that the (not actual) test is “can we restrict speech if there’s an actual fire, an actual emergency.” And, that’s also wrong.

But, the wrongness goes one layer deeper as well, because the First Amendment only applies to restrictions the government can put on speakers, not what a private entity like Meta (or the Joe Rogan Experience) can do on their own private property.

And then, even once you get past that, Zuck isn’t wrong that there was a lot of confusion about COVID and health in the early days, including lots of false information that came under the imprimatur of “official” sources, but… dude, Meta deliberately made the decision to effectively let the CDC decide what was acceptable even after many people (us included!) pointed out how stupid it was for platforms to outsource their decisions on “COVID misinfo” to government agencies which almost certainly would get stuff wrong as the science was still unclear.

But it wasn’t the White House that pressured Zuck into following the CDC position. Meta (alone among the major tech platforms) publicly declared early in the pandemic (for what it’s worth, when Trump was still President) that its approach to handling COVID misinformation would be based on “guidance” from official authorities like the CDC and WHO. Many of us felt that this was actually Meta abdicating its role and giving way too much power to government entities in the midst of an unclear scientific environment.

But for him to now blame the Biden admin is just blatantly ahistorical.

And from there, it gets worse:

Zuckerberg: This really hit… the most extreme, I’d say, during it was during the Biden Administration, when they were trying to roll out um the vaccine program and… Now I’m generally, like, pretty pro rolling out vaccines. I think on balance the vaccines are more positive than negative.

But I think that while they’re trying to push that program, they also tried to censor anyone who was basically arguing against it. And they pushed us super hard to take down things that were honestly were true. Right, I mean they they basically pushed us and and said, you know, anything that says that vaccines might have side effects, you basically need to take down.

And I was just like, well we’re not going to do that. Like, we’re clearly not going to do that.

Rogan then jumps in here to ask “who is they” but this is where he’s showing his own ignorance. The key point is the last line. Zuckerberg says he told them “we’re not going to do that… we’re clearly not going to do that.”

That’s it. That’s the ballgame.

The case law on this issue is clear: the government is allowed to try to persuade companies to do something. That’s known as using the bully pulpit. What it cannot do is coerce a company into taking action on speech. And if Zuckerberg and Meta felt totally comfortable saying “we’re not going to do that, we’re clearly not going to do that,” then end of story. They didn’t feel coerced.

Indeed, this is partly what the Murthy case last year was about. And during oral arguments, Justices Kavanaugh and Kagan (both of whom had been lawyers in the White House in previous lives) completely laughed off the idea that White House officials couldn’t call up media entities and try to convince them to do stuff, even with mean language.

Here was Justice Kavanaugh:

JUSTICE KAVANAUGH: Do you think on the anger point, I guess I had assumed, thought, experienced government press people throughout the federal government who regularly call up the media and — and berate them. Is that — I mean, is that not —

MR. FLETCHER: I — I — I don’t want

JUSTICE KAVANAUGH: — your understanding? You said the anger here was unusual. I guess I wasn’t —

MR. FLETCHER: So that —

JUSTICE KAVANAUGH: — wasn’t entirely clear on that from my own experience.

Later on, he said more:

JUSTICE KAVANAUGH: You’re speaking on behalf of the United States. Again, my experience is the United States, in all its manifestations, has regular communications with the media to talk about things they don’t like or don’t want to see or are complaining about factual inaccuracies.

Justice Kagan felt similarly:

JUSTICE KAGAN: I mean, can I just understand because it seems like an extremely expansive argument, I must say, encouraging people basically to suppress their own speech. So, like Justice Kavanaugh, I’ve had some experience encouraging press to suppress their own speech.

You just wrote about editorial. Here are the five reasons you shouldn’t write another one. You just wrote a story that’s filled with factual errors. Here are the 10 reasons why you shouldn’t do that again.

I mean, this happens literally thousands of times a day in the federal government.

“Literally thousands of times a day in the federal government.” What happened was not even that interesting or unique. The only issue, and the only time it creates a potential First Amendment problem, is if there is coercion.

This is why the Supreme Court rejected the argument in the Murthy case that this kind of activity was coercive and violated the First Amendment. The opinion, written by Justice Coney Barrett, makes it pretty clear that the White House didn’t even apply that much pressure towards Facebook on COVID info beyond some public statements, and instead most of the communication was Facebook sending info to the government (both admin officials and the CDC) and asking for feedback.

The Supreme Court notes that Facebook changed its policies to restrict more COVID info before it had even spoken to people in the White House.

In fact, the platforms, acting independently, had strengthened their pre-existing content moderation policies before the Government defendants got involved. For instance, Facebook announced an expansion of its COVID–19 misinformation policies in early February 2021, before White House officials began communicating with the platform. And the platforms continued to exercise their independent judgment even after communications with the defendants began. For example, on several occasions, various platforms explained that White House officials had flagged content that did not violate company policy. Moreover, the platforms did not speak only with the defendants about content moderation; they also regularly consulted with outside experts.

All of this info is public. It was in the court case. It’s in the Supreme Court transcript of oral arguments. It’s in the ruling in the Supreme Court.

Yet Rogan acts like this is some giant bombshell story. And Zuckerberg just lets him run with it. And then, the media ran with it as well, even though it’s a total non-story. As Kagan said, attempts to persuade the media happen literally thousands of times a day.

It only violates the First Amendment if they move over into coercion, threatening retaliation for not listening. And the fact that Meta felt free to say no and didn’t change its policies makes it pretty clear this wasn’t coercion.

But, Zuckerberg now knows he’s got Rogan caught on his line and starts to play it up. Rogan first asks who was “telling you to take down things” and Zuckerberg then admits that he wasn’t actually involved in any of this:

Rogan: Who is they? Who’s telling you to take down things that talk about vaccine side effects?

Zuckerberg: It was people in the um in the Biden Administration I think it was um… you know I wasn’t involved in those conversations directly

Ah, so you’re just relaying the information that was publicly available all along and which we already know about.

Rogan then does a pretty good job of basically explaining my Impossibility Theorem (he doesn’t call it that, of course), noting the sheer scale of Meta properties, and how most people can’t even comprehend the scale, and that mistakes are obviously going to happen. Honestly, it’s one of the better “mainstream” explanations of the impossibility of content moderation at scale

Rogan: You’re moderating at scale that’s beyond the imagination. The number of human beings you’re moderating is fucking insane. Like what is… what’s Facebook… what how many people use it on a daily basis? Forget about how many overall. Like how many people use it regularly?

Zuck: It’s 3.2 billion people use one of our services every day

Rogan: (rolls around) That’s…!

Zuck: Yeah, it’s, no, it’s wild

Rogan: That’s more than a third of the planet! That’s so crazy and it’s almost half of Earth!

Zuck: Well on a monthly basis it is probably.

Rogan: UGGH!

But just I want I want to say that though for there’s a lot of like hypercritical people that are conspiracy theorists and think that everybody is a part of some cabal to control them. I want you to understand that, whether it’s YouTube or all these and whatever place that you think is doing something that’s awful, it’s good that you speak because this is how things get changed and this is how people find out that people are upset about content moderation and and censorship.

But moderating at scale is insane. It’s insane. What we were talking the other day about the number of videos that go up every hour on YouTube and it’s banana. It’s bananas. That’s like to try to get a human being that is reasonable, logical and objective, that’s going to analyze every video? It’s virtually impossible. It’s not possible. So you got to use a bunch of tools. You got to get a bunch of things wrong.

And you have also people reporting things. And how how much is that going to affect things there. You could have mass reporting because you have bad actors. You have some corporation that decides we’re going to attack this video cuz it’s bad for us. Get it taken down.

There’s so much going on. I just want to put that in people’s heads before we go on. Like understand the kind of numbers that we’re talking about here.

Like… that’s a decent enough explanation of the impossibility of moderating content at scale. If Zuckerberg wanted to lean into that, and point out that this impossibility and the tradeoffs it creates makes all of this a subjective guessing game, where mistakes often get made and everyone has opinions, that would have been interesting.

But he’s tossed out the line where he wants to blame the Biden administration (even though the evidence on this has already been deemed unproblematic by the Supreme Court just months ago) and he’s going to feed Rogan some more chum to create a misleading picture:

Zuckerberg: So I mean like you’re saying I mean this is… it’s so complicated this system that I could spend every minute of all of my time doing this and not actually focused on building any of the things that we’re trying to do. AI glasses, like the future of social media, all that stuff.

So I get involved in this stuff, but in general we we have a policy team. There are people who I trust there. The people are kind of working on this on a day-to-day basis. And the interactions that um that I was just referring to, I mean a lot of this is documented… I mean because uh you know Jim Jordan and the the House had this whole investigation and committee into into the the kind of government censorship around stuff like this and we produced all these documents and it’s all in the public domain…

I mean basically these people from the Biden Administration would call up our team and like scream at them and curse. And it’s like these documents are… it’s all kind of out there!

Rogan: Gah! Did you record any of those phone calls? God!

Zuckerberg: I don’t no… I don’t think… I don’t think we… but but… I think… I want listen… I mean, there are emails. The emails are published. It’s all… it’s all kind of out there and um and they’re like… and basically it just got to this point where we were like, no we’re not going to. We’re not going to take down things that are true. That’s ridiculous…

Parsing what he’s saying here is important. Again, we already established above a few important facts that Rogan doesn’t understand, and either Zuck doesn’t understand or is deliberately being coy in his explanation: (1) government actors are constantly trying to persuade media companies regarding their editorial discretion and that’s not against the law in any way, unless it crosses the line into coercion, and Zuck is (once again) admitting there was no coercion and they had no problem saying no. (2) He’s basing this not on actual firsthand knowledge but on stuff that is “all kind of out there” because “the emails are published” and “it’s all in the public domain.”

Now, because I’m not that busy creating AI glasses (though I am perhaps working on the future of social media), I actually did pay pretty close attention to what happened with those published emails and the documents in the public domain, and Zuckerberg is misrepresenting things, either on purpose or because the false narrative filtered back to him.

The reason I followed it closely is because I was worried that the Biden administration might cross the First Amendment line. This is not the case of me being a fan of the Biden administration, whose tech policies I thought were pretty bad almost across the board. The public statements that the White House made, whether from then press secretary Jen Psaki or Joe Biden himself, struck me as stupid things to say, but they did not appear to cross the First Amendment line, though they came uncomfortably close.

So I followed this case closely, in part, because if there was evidence that they crossed the line, I would be screaming from the Techdirt rooftops about it.

But, over and over again, it became clear that while they may have walked up to the line, they didn’t seem to cross it. That’s also what the Supreme Court found in the Murthy case.

So when Zuckerberg says that there are published emails, referencing the “screaming and cursing,” I know exactly what he’s talking about. Because it was a highlight of the district court ruling that claimed the White House had violated the First Amendment (which was later overturned by the Supreme Court).

Indeed, in my write-up of that District Court ruling, I even called out the “cursing” email as an example that struck me as one of the only things that might actually be a pretty clear violation of the First Amendment. Here’s what I wrote two years ago when that ruling came out:

Most of the worst emails seemed to come from one guy, Rob Flaherty, the former “Director of Digital Strategy,” who seemed to believe his job in the White House made it fine for him to be a total jackass to the companies, constantly berating them for moderation choices he disliked.

I mean, this is just totally inappropriate for a government official to say to a private company:

Things apparently became tense between the White House and Facebook after that, culminating in Flaherty’s July 15, 2021 email to Facebook, in which Flaherty stated: “Are you guys fucking serious? I want an answer on what happened here and I want it today.”

But then I dug deeper and saw the filing where that quote actually comes from, realizing that the judge in the district court was taking it totally out of context. The ruling made it sound like Flaherty’s cursing outburst was in response to Facebook/Zuck refusing to go along with a content moderation demand.

If that were actually the case, then that would absolutely violate the First Amendment. The problem is that it’s not what happened. It was still inappropriate in general, but not an unconstitutional attack on speech.

What had happened was that Instagram had a bug that prevented the Biden account from getting more followers, and the White House was annoyed by that. Someone from Meta responded to a query, saying basically “oops, it was a bug, our bad, but it’s fixed now” and that response was forwarded to Flaherty, who acted like a total power-mad jackass with the “Are you guys fucking serious? I want an answer on what happened here and I want it today” response.

So here’s the key thing: that heated exchange had absolutely nothing to do with pressuring Facebook on its content moderation policies. That “public domain” “cursing” email is entirely about a bug that prevented the Biden account from getting more followers, and Rob throwing a bit of a shit fit about it.

As Zuck says (but notably no one on the Rogan team actually looks up), this is all “out there” in “the public domain.” Rogan didn’t look it up. It’s unclear if Zuckerberg looked it up.

But I did:

We can still find that response wholly inappropriate and asshole-ish. But it’s not because Facebook refused to take down information on vaccine side effects, as is clearly implied (and how Rogan takes it).

Indeed, Zuckerberg (again!) points out that the company’s response to requests to remove anti-vax memes was to tell the White House no:

Zuck: They wanted us to take down this meme of Leonardo DiCaprio looking at a TV talking about how 10 years from now or something um you know you’re going to see an ad that says okay if you took a Covid vaccine you’re um eligible you you know like uh for for this kind of payment like this sort of like class action lawsuit type meme.

And they’re like, “No, you have to take that down.” We just said, ‘No, we’re not going to take down humor and satire. We’re not going to take down things that are true.

He then does talk about the stupid Biden “they’re killing people” comment, but leaves out the fact that Biden walked that back days later, admitting “Facebook isn’t killing people” and instead blaming people on the platform spreading misinformation and saying “that’s what I meant.”

But it didn’t change the fact that Facebook refused to take action on those accounts.

So even after he’s said multiple times that Facebook’s response to whatever comments came in from the White House was to tell them “no,” which is exactly what the Supreme Court made clear showed there was no coercion, Rogan goes on a rant as if Zuckerberg had just told him that they did, in fact, suppress the content the White House requested (something Zuck directly denied to Rogan multiple times, even right before this rant):

Rogan: Wow. [sigh] Yeah, it’s just a massive overstepping. Also, you weren’t killing people. This is the thing about all of this. It’s like they suppressed so much information about things that people should be doing regardless of whether or not you believe in the vaccine, regardless… put that aside. Metabolic health is of the utmost importance in your everyday life whether there’s a pandemic or there’s not and there’s a lot of things that you can do that can help you recover from illness.

It prevents illnesses. It makes your body more robust and healthy. It strengthens your immune system. And they were suppressing all that information and that’s just crazy. You can’t say you’re one of the good guys if you’re suppressing information that would help people recover from all kinds of diseases. Not just Covid. The flu, common cold, all sorts of different things. High doses of Vitamin C, D3 with K2 and magnesium. They were suppressing this stuff because they didn’t want people to think that you could get away with not taking a vaccine.

Dude, Zuck literally told you over and over again that they said no to the White House and didn’t suppress that content.

But Zuck doesn’t step in to correct Rogan’s misrepresentations, because he’s not here for that. He’s here to get this narrative out, and Rogan is biting hard on the narrative. Hilariously, he then follows it up by saying how the thing that Zuck just said didn’t happen, but which Rogan is chortling along as if it did happen, proves the evils of “distortion of facts” and…. where the hell is my irony font?

Rogan: This is a crazy overstep, but scared the shit out of a lot of people… redpilled as it were. A lot of people, because they realized like, oh, 1984 is like an instruction manual…

Zuck: Yeah, yeah.

Rogan: It’s like this is it shows you how things can go that way with wrong speak and with bizarre distortion of facts.

I mean, you would know, wouldn’t you, Joe?

From there, they pivot to a different discussion, though again, it’s Zuckerberg feeding Rogan lines about how the US ought to “protect” the US tech industry from foreign governments, rather than trying to regulate them.

A bit later on, there actually is a good discussion about the kinds of errors that are made in content moderation and why. Rogan (after spending so much time whining about the evils of censorship) suddenly turns around and says that, well, of course, Facebook should be blocking “misinformation” and “outright lies” and “propaganda”:

Rogan: But you do have to be careful about misinformation! And you have to be careful about just outright lies and propaganda complaints, or propaganda campaigns rather. And how do you differentiate?

Dude, like that’s the whole point of the challenge here. You yourself talked about the billions of people and how mistakes are made because so much of this is automated. But then you were misleadingly claiming that this info was taken down over demands from the government (which Zuckerberg clearly denied multiple times), and for you to then wrap back around to “but you gotta take down misinformation and lies and propaganda campaigns” is one hell of a swing.

But, as I said, it does lead to Zuck explaining how confidence levels matter, and how where you set those levels will cover both how much “bad” content gets removed, but also how much is left up and how much innocent content gets accidentally caught:

Zuck: Okay, you have some classifier that’s it’s trying to find say like drug content, right? People decide okay, it’s like the opioid epidemic is a big deal, we need to do a better job of cracking down on drugs and drug sales. Right, I don’t I don’t want people dealing drugs on our networks.

So we build a bunch of systems that basically go out and try to automate finding people who are who are dealing with dealing drugs. And then you basically have this question, which is how precise do you want to set the classifier? So do you want to make it so that the system needs to be 99% sure that someone is dealing drugs before taking them down? Do you want to to be 90% confident? 80% confident?

And then those correspond to amounts of… I guess the the statistics term would be “recall.” What percent of the bad stuff are you finding? So if you require 99% confidence then maybe you only actually end up taking down 20% of the bad content. Whereas if you reduce it and you say, okay, we’re only going to require 90% confidence now maybe you can take down 60% of the bad content.

But let’s say you say, no we really need to find everyone who’s doing this bad thing… and it doesn’t need to be as as severe as as dealing drugs. It could just be um I mean it could be any any kind of content of uh any kind of category of harmful content. You start getting to some of these classifiers might have you know 80, 85% Precision in order to get 90% of the bad stuff down.

But the problem is if you’re at, you know, 90% precision that means one out of 10 things that the classifier takes down is not actually problematic. And if you filter… if you if you kind of multiply that across the billions of people who use our services every day that is millions and millions of posts that are basically being taken down that are innocent.

And upon review we’re going to look at and be like this is ridiculous that this thing got taken down. Which, I mean, I think you’ve had that experience and we’ve talked about this for for a bunch of stuff over time.

But it really just comes down to this question of where do you want to set the classifiers so one of the things that we’re going to do is basically set them to… require more confidence. Which is this trade-off.

It’s going to mean that we will maybe take down a smaller amount of the harmful content. But it will also mean that we’ll dramatically reduce the amount of people who whose accounts were taken off for a mistake, which is just a terrible experience.

And that’s all a good and fascinating fundamental explanation of why the Masnick Impossibility Theorem remains in effect. There are always going to be different kinds of false positives and false negatives, and that’s going to always happen because of how you set the confidence levels of the classifiers.

Zuck could have explained that many of the other things that Rogan was whining about regarding the “suppression” of content around COVID (which, again, everyone but Rogan has admitted was based on Facebook’s own decision-making, not the US government), was quite often a similar sort of situation, where the confidence levels on the classifiers may have caught information it shouldn’t have, but which the company (at the time) felt had to be set at that level to make sure enough of the “bad” content (which Rogan himself says they should take down) gets caught.

But there is no recognition of how this part of the conversation impacts the earlier conversation at all.

There’s more in there, but this post is already insanely long, so I’ll close out with this: as mentioned in my opening, Donald Trump directly threatened to throw Zuck in prison for the rest of his life if Facebook didn’t moderate the way he wanted. And just a couple months ago, FCC Commissioner (soon to be FCC chair) Brendan Carr threatened Meta that if it kept on fact-checking stories in a way Carr didn’t like, he would try to remove Meta’s Section 230 protections in response.

None of that came up in this discussion. The only “government pressure” that Zuck talks about is from the Biden admin with “cursing,” which he readily admits they weren’t intimidated by.

So we have Biden officials who were, perhaps, mean, but not so threatening that Meta felt the need to bow down to them. And then we have Trump himself and leading members of his incoming administration who sent direct and obvious threats, which Zuck almost immediately bowed down to and caved.

And yet Rogan (and much of the media covering this podcast) claims he “revealed” how the Biden admin violated the First Amendment. Hell, the NY Post even ran an editorial pretending that Zuck didn’t go far enough because he didn’t reveal all of this in time for the Murthy case. And that’s only because the author doesn’t realize he literally is talking about the documents in the Murthy case.

The real story here is that Zuckerberg caved to Trump’s threats and felt fine pushing back on the Biden admin. Rogan at one point rants about how Trump will now protect Zuck because Trump “uniquely has felt the impact of not being able to have free speech.” That seems particularly ironic given the real story: Zuckerberg caved to Trump’s threats while pushing back on the Biden admin.

Zuckerberg knew how this would play to Rogan and Rogan’s audience, and he got exactly what he needed out of it. But the reality is that all of this is Zuck caving to threats from Trump and Trump officials, while feeling no coercion from the Biden admin. As social media continues to grapple with content moderation challenges, it would be nice if leaders like Zuckerberg were actually transparent about the real pressures they face, rather than fueling misleading narratives.

But that’s not the world we live in.

Strip away all the spin and misdirection, and the truth is inescapable: Zuckerberg folded like a cheap suit in the face of direct threats from Trump and his lackeys, while barely batting an eye at some sternly worded emails from Biden officials.

And that’s my fact check.

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CNU poll: Spanberger up, data centers down (except maybe in Southwest Virginia) [Cardinal News] (01:42 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

The Trible Library at Christopher Newport University with the administration building in the background. Photo by Dwayne Yancey.

Virginians like the job that Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin is doing but are leaning toward Democrat Abigail Spanberger as his successor. They’d overwhelmingly approve constitutional amendments to guarantee abortion rights and restore civil rights to convicted felons. They generally want to see the state’s budget surplus spent on schools, not tax cuts, and they really don’t like data centers — although people in Southwest Virginia might be more open to them than others. 

Those are some of the findings in a new poll that came out Thursday from Christopher Newport University’s Wason Center for Civic Leadership. For political junkies, there’s nothing better than a new set of numbers, so let’s see what we have here.

Spanberger takes early lead in governor’s race (maybe).

Democrat Abigail Spanberger (left) and Republican Winsome Earle-Sears (right).
Democrat Abigail Spanberger (left) and Republican Winsome Earle-Sears (right).

The CNU poll puts the governor’s race at 44% for Democrat Abigail Spanberger, who recently left her 7th District seat in the U.S. House to run, and 39% for Republican Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears. That margin of 5 percentage points is outside the poll’s 3.6% margin of error.

Before we go further, I should point out that these findings are different from two other recent polls that showed the race essentially tied. An Emerson College poll put the race at Spanberger 42%, Earle-Sears 41%, while the Mason-Dixon poll found the race to be Spanberger 47%, Earle-Sears 44%. 

This comes against a backdrop of the latest campaign finance reports, which show Spanberger with a big money lead. In reports that came out Wednesday, Spanberger has raised $5,965,249 to Earle-Sears’ $2,563,085. Spanberger did start earlier than Earle-Sears, and no one expects the Democrat to continue to have more than twice as much money as the Republican. Rep. Bobby Scott, D-Newport News, continues to say he might seek the Democratic nomination for governor, but Spanberger’s cash advantage has to be daunting if he wants to gear up a competitive campaign for a June primary.

Meanwhile, Earle-Sears has come out swinging — which is what you might do if you thought you were an underdog. She’s been using every opportunity possible to pound the drum that Democrats would endanger the state’s so-called “right-to-work” law, which means that workers don’t have to join a union or pay union dues just because there’s a union in the workplace. To me, this is all about the political equivalent of the military “shaping the battlefield.” Ditto, some of the Republican measures we’re now seeing in the General Assembly dealing with trans athletes and scholarships for students to attend private schools. Whether those are good policy measures depends on your political preferences, but the reality is none of those are likely to pass the Democratic-controlled General Assembly. However, Republicans see how potent the trans issue was for Donald Trump in November and are keen to replicate that in Virginia. 

One thing to keep an eye on in the governor’s race: The CNU poll shows independents almost evenly split, with a 37% to 35% tilt toward Spanberger.

Also of note: There’s been speculation about whether Earle-Sears might make inroads with Black voters, who normally vote Democratic. This poll doesn’t show that yet but does show that white voters prefer the Black woman over the white woman by 47% to 41%. 

CNU did not poll for the lieutenant governor or attorney general races.

Governor Glenn Youngkin. Photo by Bob Brown.
Governor Glenn Youngkin. Photo by Bob Brown.

Youngkin consistently polls well in every survey, and this one is no exception. The CNU poll shows that 53% of Virginians approve of the job he’s doing, while 33% disapprove. Republicans naturally like a Republican governor, but some of Youngkin’s popularity comes from non-Republicans. Independents approve of Youngkin 54% to 29%. That’s why Earle-Sears now talks about the “Youngkin/Earle-Sears administration” — to associate herself with the good feelings that voters, especially independents, have about the governor. A significant number of Democrats give Youngkin a thumbs up, too: 19% of Democrats approve of the job he’s doing.

I’m curious how much of this reflects Youngkin’s personality, because while Virginians like him, they also like a lot of policies he’s opposed to.

Virginians also think the state is doing well.

One key indicator in any poll is the traditional right track/wrong track question. In this poll, 49% of those surveyed think the state is headed in the right direction, while 31% say it’s headed in the wrong direction. Republicans are more optimistic than Democrats — likely because there’s a Republican governor — but independents overwhelmingly think the state is headed in the right direction: 49% of independents say right direction, 28% say wrong direction.

This is another thing in Earle-Sears’ favor and one that complicates Spanberger’s messaging: If Virginians like how the state is doing, why would they make a party change in the governor’s office?

These feelings about the state are in direct contradiction to how Virginians feel about the nation: 58% say the nation is headed in the wrong direction, 31% in the right direction. Independents are especially unhappy about the national direction: 63% say it’s headed in the wrong direction. However, it’s impossible to say whether they think that way because Joe Biden is in office or because Donald Trump is about to take office, or some other reason entirely. 

Virginians don’t think much of Biden — or Trump, either.

President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump. Official portraits.
President Joe Biden and President-elect Donald Trump. Official portraits.

Biden gets low marks as he prepares to leave the presidency: 38% said he was “definitely worse than most” presidents, and 25% said he was “not as good as most” — although 28% said he was “better than most.” Still, the weight was on the negative side. 

As Trump gets ready to take office again, 36% said he would likely be unsuccessful, while 31% predicted he’d be successful and another 31% said it was too soon to tell. That doesn’t strike me as a lot of enthusiasm for the incoming 47th president. Contrast all these numbers with the generally positive vibes that Virginians feel about their governor.

Virginians want to spend the surplus. They’d consider one-time tax relief but not permanent cuts.

Here’s one place where our popular governor seems out of step with public opinion. He’s been consistently pushing for tax cuts. Virginians aren’t nearly as keen on those as he is. The state is looking at a budget surplus of $2 billion or more, and one of the big questions before this year’s General Assembly session is what to do with that. 

Given three choices in this poll, 46% say “the surplus should go primarily towards government services such as K-12 school spending, childcare and infrastructure,” while 40% say “the surplus should go toward one-time tax rebate for individuals, with the remainder going toward government services such as K-12 school spending, childcare and infrastructure.” Only 11% say “the surplus should go primarily towards long-term individual and corporate tax cuts.”

There are other options available — a combination of spending and permanent cuts, for instance — but the poll didn’t ask about those, so, as with any poll, we know what we know and don’t know what we don’t know. It is curious to me that only 23% of the Republicans surveyed opted for the permanent tax cut option. Instead, 50% want a combination of spending and one-time cuts. Not surprisingly, 59% of Democrats favored the spending route, but so did 51% of independents. On other questions, independents sided with Republicans; here they sided with Democrats. This is part of what makes them, well, independent. 

Virginians would approve constitutional amendments on abortion rights, civil rights restoration.

Bristol Women’s Health is the only abortion clinic in the region. It has drawn national and international attention since a longtime clinic that performed abortions on the Tennessee side of the city closed and Bristol Women’s Health opened about a mile away in Bristol, Virginia, in anticipation of tightening abortion laws in Tennessee. Photo by Susan Cameron.
Bristol Women’s Health is the only abortion clinic in the region. It has drawn national and international attention since a longtime clinic that performed abortions on the Tennessee side of the city closed and Bristol Women’s Health opened about a mile away in Bristol, Virginia, in anticipation of tightening abortion laws in Tennessee. Photo by Susan Cameron.

Three proposed amendments to the state constitution are moving through the General Assembly; the CNU poll asked about two of those. If these amendments pass this year’s session (they will), they’d have to pass again next year before going to a referendum. This poll gives an early look at how they might fare:

The abortion rights amendment would pass easily: 43% say they strongly support it, another 18% support it, so that’s 61% on the “yes” side, while 32% are on some shade of the “no” side.

The amendment to automatically restore civil rights to convicted felons would also pass: 63% are on some variation of the “yes” side, while 32% are on some variation of the “no” side.

The poll did not ask about the amendment to guarantee the right to a same-sex marriage in case the U.S. Supreme Court ever changes its mind, but I wrote about some of the electoral history in Thursday’s column.

Virginians don’t much like data centers.

Data centers in Prince William County. Courtesy of Roger Snyder.
Data centers in Prince William County. Courtesy of Roger Snyder.

The poll asked four questions about data centers, those computer warehouses that make the internet “go.” Virginia (mostly Northern Virginia) has become a global center for data centers, but not everyone is happy about their growth. The poll shines some light on the depths of those feelings.

  • 67% said they’d support a law that would ban data centers within a mile of a national park, state park or other historically significant site. These feelings were strongest in Northern Virginia, where 76% said yes, but found majority support across the state. It’s also notable that there were strong majorities for this bill across the political spectrum, although Democrats were somewhat more supportive. Still, 62% of Republicans were in favor, a landslide by any measure.
  • 77% said they’d support a law to require data centers to promote energy efficiency. Once again, that received strong support across the political and geographic spectrum, with Democrats and Northern Virginians the most supportive but even Republicans backing it by wide margins.
  • 57% said they opposed expanding state and local tax incentives for data centers. This is still a healthy majority, but notice it’s lower than on the other questions. Also, this opposition was consistent across both parties. Of note: Geographically, the opposition was strongest in Northern Virginia at 64% but fell to 51% in Southwest Virginia. While geographical crosstabs have a higher margin of error, I do wonder if the lower opposition in Southwest Virginia is because that region might be more open to data centers for the jobs they provide.
  • 48% support abolishing the tax incentives that data centers currently get; 39% oppose. You’ll notice this has a lot less support, so it seems that Virginians don’t want to expand tax incentives but aren’t quite as sure they want to abolish them. Democrats and Republicans were once again in agreement, but we also continue to see Southwest Virginia as an outlier: Northern Virginia and Richmond both had majorities in favor of abolishing tax incentives; Hampton Roads had a plurality. Southwest Virginia was reversed: It’s the only region where there was a plurality against doing away with tax incentives for data centers: 37% there wanted to do away with such incentives but 48% did not. 

My reading of this: Northern Virginia is definitely souring on data centers, but Southwest Virginia might be open to a conversation. There are technical issues to locating data centers in Southwest Virginia in terms of sufficient internet connections, but if those can ever be overcome, Southwest Virginia might be a more welcoming part of the state.

More on campaign finance reports

The Executive Mansion, informally known as the governor's mansion. Photo by Bob Brown.
The Executive Mansion, informally known as the governor’s mansion. Photo by Bob Brown.

In this week’s West of the Capital, our weekly political newsletter, I’ll look more closely at this week’s campaign finance reports to see what they tell us about the 2025 elections taking shape. You can sign up for that or any of our other free newsletters below:

The post CNU poll: Spanberger up, data centers down (except maybe in Southwest Virginia) appeared first on Cardinal News.

CNU poll: Spanberger up, data centers down (except maybe in Southwest Virginia) [Cardinal News] (01:42 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

The Trible Library at Christopher Newport University with the administration building in the background. Photo by Dwayne Yancey.

Virginians like the job that Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin is doing but are leaning toward Democrat Abigail Spanberger as his successor. They’d overwhelmingly approve constitutional amendments to guarantee abortion rights and restore civil rights to convicted felons. They generally want to see the state’s budget surplus spent on schools, not tax cuts, and they really don’t like data centers — although people in Southwest Virginia might be more open to them than others. 

Those are some of the findings in a new poll that came out Thursday from Christopher Newport University’s Wason Center for Civic Leadership. For political junkies, there’s nothing better than a new set of numbers, so let’s see what we have here.

Spanberger takes early lead in governor’s race (maybe).

Democrat Abigail Spanberger (left) and Republican Winsome Earle-Sears (right).
Democrat Abigail Spanberger (left) and Republican Winsome Earle-Sears (right).

The CNU poll puts the governor’s race at 44% for Democrat Abigail Spanberger, who recently left her 7th District seat in the U.S. House to run, and 39% for Republican Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears. That margin of 5 percentage points is outside the poll’s 3.6% margin of error.

Before we go further, I should point out that these findings are different from two other recent polls that showed the race essentially tied. An Emerson College poll put the race at Spanberger 42%, Earle-Sears 41%, while the Mason-Dixon poll found the race to be Spanberger 47%, Earle-Sears 44%. 

This comes against a backdrop of the latest campaign finance reports, which show Spanberger with a big money lead. In reports that came out Wednesday, Spanberger has raised $5,965,249 to Earle-Sears’ $2,563,085. Spanberger did start earlier than Earle-Sears, and no one expects the Democrat to continue to have more than twice as much money as the Republican. Rep. Bobby Scott, D-Newport News, continues to say he might seek the Democratic nomination for governor, but Spanberger’s cash advantage has to be daunting if he wants to gear up a competitive campaign for a June primary.

Meanwhile, Earle-Sears has come out swinging — which is what you might do if you thought you were an underdog. She’s been using every opportunity possible to pound the drum that Democrats would endanger the state’s so-called “right-to-work” law, which means that workers don’t have to join a union or pay union dues just because there’s a union in the workplace. To me, this is all about the political equivalent of the military “shaping the battlefield.” Ditto, some of the Republican measures we’re now seeing in the General Assembly dealing with trans athletes and scholarships for students to attend private schools. Whether those are good policy measures depends on your political preferences, but the reality is none of those are likely to pass the Democratic-controlled General Assembly. However, Republicans see how potent the trans issue was for Donald Trump in November and are keen to replicate that in Virginia. 

One thing to keep an eye on in the governor’s race: The CNU poll shows independents almost evenly split, with a 37% to 35% tilt toward Spanberger.

Also of note: There’s been speculation about whether Earle-Sears might make inroads with Black voters, who normally vote Democratic. This poll doesn’t show that yet but does show that white voters prefer the Black woman over the white woman by 47% to 41%. 

CNU did not poll for the lieutenant governor or attorney general races.

Governor Glenn Youngkin. Photo by Bob Brown.
Governor Glenn Youngkin. Photo by Bob Brown.

Youngkin consistently polls well in every survey, and this one is no exception. The CNU poll shows that 53% of Virginians approve of the job he’s doing, while 33% disapprove. Republicans naturally like a Republican governor, but some of Youngkin’s popularity comes from non-Republicans. Independents approve of Youngkin 54% to 29%. That’s why Earle-Sears now talks about the “Youngkin/Earle-Sears administration” — to associate herself with the good feelings that voters, especially independents, have about the governor. A significant number of Democrats give Youngkin a thumbs up, too: 19% of Democrats approve of the job he’s doing.

I’m curious how much of this reflects Youngkin’s personality, because while Virginians like him, they also like a lot of policies he’s opposed to.

Virginians also think the state is doing well.

One key indicator in any poll is the traditional right track/wrong track question. In this poll, 49% of those surveyed think the state is headed in the right direction, while 31% say it’s headed in the wrong direction. Republicans are more optimistic than Democrats — likely because there’s a Republican governor — but independents overwhelmingly think the state is headed in the right direction: 49% of independents say right direction, 28% say wrong direction.

This is another thing in Earle-Sears’ favor and one that complicates Spanberger’s messaging: If Virginians like how the state is doing, why would they make a party change in the governor’s office?

These feelings about the state are in direct contradiction to how Virginians feel about the nation: 58% say the nation is headed in the wrong direction, 31% in the right direction. Independents are especially unhappy about the national direction: 63% say it’s headed in the wrong direction. However, it’s impossible to say whether they think that way because Joe Biden is in office or because Donald Trump is about to take office, or some other reason entirely. 

Virginians don’t think much of Biden — or Trump, either.

President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump. Official portraits.
President Joe Biden and President-elect Donald Trump. Official portraits.

Biden gets low marks as he prepares to leave the presidency: 38% said he was “definitely worse than most” presidents, and 25% said he was “not as good as most” — although 28% said he was “better than most.” Still, the weight was on the negative side. 

As Trump gets ready to take office again, 36% said he would likely be unsuccessful, while 31% predicted he’d be successful and another 31% said it was too soon to tell. That doesn’t strike me as a lot of enthusiasm for the incoming 47th president. Contrast all these numbers with the generally positive vibes that Virginians feel about their governor.

Virginians want to spend the surplus. They’d consider one-time tax relief but not permanent cuts.

Here’s one place where our popular governor seems out of step with public opinion. He’s been consistently pushing for tax cuts. Virginians aren’t nearly as keen on those as he is. The state is looking at a budget surplus of $2 billion or more, and one of the big questions before this year’s General Assembly session is what to do with that. 

Given three choices in this poll, 46% say “the surplus should go primarily towards government services such as K-12 school spending, childcare and infrastructure,” while 40% say “the surplus should go toward one-time tax rebate for individuals, with the remainder going toward government services such as K-12 school spending, childcare and infrastructure.” Only 11% say “the surplus should go primarily towards long-term individual and corporate tax cuts.”

There are other options available — a combination of spending and permanent cuts, for instance — but the poll didn’t ask about those, so, as with any poll, we know what we know and don’t know what we don’t know. It is curious to me that only 23% of the Republicans surveyed opted for the permanent tax cut option. Instead, 50% want a combination of spending and one-time cuts. Not surprisingly, 59% of Democrats favored the spending route, but so did 51% of independents. On other questions, independents sided with Republicans; here they sided with Democrats. This is part of what makes them, well, independent. 

Virginians would approve constitutional amendments on abortion rights, civil rights restoration.

Bristol Women’s Health is the only abortion clinic in the region. It has drawn national and international attention since a longtime clinic that performed abortions on the Tennessee side of the city closed and Bristol Women’s Health opened about a mile away in Bristol, Virginia, in anticipation of tightening abortion laws in Tennessee. Photo by Susan Cameron.
Bristol Women’s Health is the only abortion clinic in the region. It has drawn national and international attention since a longtime clinic that performed abortions on the Tennessee side of the city closed and Bristol Women’s Health opened about a mile away in Bristol, Virginia, in anticipation of tightening abortion laws in Tennessee. Photo by Susan Cameron.

Three proposed amendments to the state constitution are moving through the General Assembly; the CNU poll asked about two of those. If these amendments pass this year’s session (they will), they’d have to pass again next year before going to a referendum. This poll gives an early look at how they might fare:

The abortion rights amendment would pass easily: 43% say they strongly support it, another 18% support it, so that’s 61% on the “yes” side, while 32% are on some shade of the “no” side.

The amendment to automatically restore civil rights to convicted felons would also pass: 63% are on some variation of the “yes” side, while 32% are on some variation of the “no” side.

The poll did not ask about the amendment to guarantee the right to a same-sex marriage in case the U.S. Supreme Court ever changes its mind, but I wrote about some of the electoral history in Thursday’s column.

Virginians don’t much like data centers.

Data centers in Prince William County. Courtesy of Roger Snyder.
Data centers in Prince William County. Courtesy of Roger Snyder.

The poll asked four questions about data centers, those computer warehouses that make the internet “go.” Virginia (mostly Northern Virginia) has become a global center for data centers, but not everyone is happy about their growth. The poll shines some light on the depths of those feelings.

  • 67% said they’d support a law that would ban data centers within a mile of a national park, state park or other historically significant site. These feelings were strongest in Northern Virginia, where 76% said yes, but found majority support across the state. It’s also notable that there were strong majorities for this bill across the political spectrum, although Democrats were somewhat more supportive. Still, 62% of Republicans were in favor, a landslide by any measure.
  • 77% said they’d support a law to require data centers to promote energy efficiency. Once again, that received strong support across the political and geographic spectrum, with Democrats and Northern Virginians the most supportive but even Republicans backing it by wide margins.
  • 57% said they opposed expanding state and local tax incentives for data centers. This is still a healthy majority, but notice it’s lower than on the other questions. Also, this opposition was consistent across both parties. Of note: Geographically, the opposition was strongest in Northern Virginia at 64% but fell to 51% in Southwest Virginia. While geographical crosstabs have a higher margin of error, I do wonder if the lower opposition in Southwest Virginia is because that region might be more open to data centers for the jobs they provide.
  • 48% support abolishing the tax incentives that data centers currently get; 39% oppose. You’ll notice this has a lot less support, so it seems that Virginians don’t want to expand tax incentives but aren’t quite as sure they want to abolish them. Democrats and Republicans were once again in agreement, but we also continue to see Southwest Virginia as an outlier: Northern Virginia and Richmond both had majorities in favor of abolishing tax incentives; Hampton Roads had a plurality. Southwest Virginia was reversed: It’s the only region where there was a plurality against doing away with tax incentives for data centers: 37% there wanted to do away with such incentives but 48% did not. 

My reading of this: Northern Virginia is definitely souring on data centers, but Southwest Virginia might be open to a conversation. There are technical issues to locating data centers in Southwest Virginia in terms of sufficient internet connections, but if those can ever be overcome, Southwest Virginia might be a more welcoming part of the state.

More on campaign finance reports

The Executive Mansion, informally known as the governor's mansion. Photo by Bob Brown.
The Executive Mansion, informally known as the governor’s mansion. Photo by Bob Brown.

In this week’s West of the Capital, our weekly political newsletter, I’ll look more closely at this week’s campaign finance reports to see what they tell us about the 2025 elections taking shape. You can sign up for that or any of our other free newsletters below:

The post CNU poll: Spanberger up, data centers down (except maybe in Southwest Virginia) appeared first on Cardinal News.

CNU poll: Spanberger up, data centers down (except maybe in Southwest Virginia) [Cardinal News] (01:42 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

The Trible Library at Christopher Newport University with the administration building in the background. Photo by Dwayne Yancey.

Virginians like the job that Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin is doing but are leaning toward Democrat Abigail Spanberger as his successor. They’d overwhelmingly approve constitutional amendments to guarantee abortion rights and restore civil rights to convicted felons. They generally want to see the state’s budget surplus spent on schools, not tax cuts, and they really don’t like data centers — although people in Southwest Virginia might be more open to them than others. 

Those are some of the findings in a new poll that came out Thursday from Christopher Newport University’s Wason Center for Civic Leadership. For political junkies, there’s nothing better than a new set of numbers, so let’s see what we have here.

Spanberger takes early lead in governor’s race (maybe).

Democrat Abigail Spanberger (left) and Republican Winsome Earle-Sears (right).
Democrat Abigail Spanberger (left) and Republican Winsome Earle-Sears (right).

The CNU poll puts the governor’s race at 44% for Democrat Abigail Spanberger, who recently left her 7th District seat in the U.S. House to run, and 39% for Republican Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears. That margin of 5 percentage points is outside the poll’s 3.6% margin of error.

Before we go further, I should point out that these findings are different from two other recent polls that showed the race essentially tied. An Emerson College poll put the race at Spanberger 42%, Earle-Sears 41%, while the Mason-Dixon poll found the race to be Spanberger 47%, Earle-Sears 44%. 

This comes against a backdrop of the latest campaign finance reports, which show Spanberger with a big money lead. In reports that came out Wednesday, Spanberger has raised $5,965,249 to Earle-Sears’ $2,563,085. Spanberger did start earlier than Earle-Sears, and no one expects the Democrat to continue to have more than twice as much money as the Republican. Rep. Bobby Scott, D-Newport News, continues to say he might seek the Democratic nomination for governor, but Spanberger’s cash advantage has to be daunting if he wants to gear up a competitive campaign for a June primary.

Meanwhile, Earle-Sears has come out swinging — which is what you might do if you thought you were an underdog. She’s been using every opportunity possible to pound the drum that Democrats would endanger the state’s so-called “right-to-work” law, which means that workers don’t have to join a union or pay union dues just because there’s a union in the workplace. To me, this is all about the political equivalent of the military “shaping the battlefield.” Ditto, some of the Republican measures we’re now seeing in the General Assembly dealing with trans athletes and scholarships for students to attend private schools. Whether those are good policy measures depends on your political preferences, but the reality is none of those are likely to pass the Democratic-controlled General Assembly. However, Republicans see how potent the trans issue was for Donald Trump in November and are keen to replicate that in Virginia. 

One thing to keep an eye on in the governor’s race: The CNU poll shows independents almost evenly split, with a 37% to 35% tilt toward Spanberger.

Also of note: There’s been speculation about whether Earle-Sears might make inroads with Black voters, who normally vote Democratic. This poll doesn’t show that yet but does show that white voters prefer the Black woman over the white woman by 47% to 41%. 

CNU did not poll for the lieutenant governor or attorney general races.

Governor Glenn Youngkin. Photo by Bob Brown.
Governor Glenn Youngkin. Photo by Bob Brown.

Youngkin consistently polls well in every survey, and this one is no exception. The CNU poll shows that 53% of Virginians approve of the job he’s doing, while 33% disapprove. Republicans naturally like a Republican governor, but some of Youngkin’s popularity comes from non-Republicans. Independents approve of Youngkin 54% to 29%. That’s why Earle-Sears now talks about the “Youngkin/Earle-Sears administration” — to associate herself with the good feelings that voters, especially independents, have about the governor. A significant number of Democrats give Youngkin a thumbs up, too: 19% of Democrats approve of the job he’s doing.

I’m curious how much of this reflects Youngkin’s personality, because while Virginians like him, they also like a lot of policies he’s opposed to.

Virginians also think the state is doing well.

One key indicator in any poll is the traditional right track/wrong track question. In this poll, 49% of those surveyed think the state is headed in the right direction, while 31% say it’s headed in the wrong direction. Republicans are more optimistic than Democrats — likely because there’s a Republican governor — but independents overwhelmingly think the state is headed in the right direction: 49% of independents say right direction, 28% say wrong direction.

This is another thing in Earle-Sears’ favor and one that complicates Spanberger’s messaging: If Virginians like how the state is doing, why would they make a party change in the governor’s office?

These feelings about the state are in direct contradiction to how Virginians feel about the nation: 58% say the nation is headed in the wrong direction, 31% in the right direction. Independents are especially unhappy about the national direction: 63% say it’s headed in the wrong direction. However, it’s impossible to say whether they think that way because Joe Biden is in office or because Donald Trump is about to take office, or some other reason entirely. 

Virginians don’t think much of Biden — or Trump, either.

President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump. Official portraits.
President Joe Biden and President-elect Donald Trump. Official portraits.

Biden gets low marks as he prepares to leave the presidency: 38% said he was “definitely worse than most” presidents, and 25% said he was “not as good as most” — although 28% said he was “better than most.” Still, the weight was on the negative side. 

As Trump gets ready to take office again, 36% said he would likely be unsuccessful, while 31% predicted he’d be successful and another 31% said it was too soon to tell. That doesn’t strike me as a lot of enthusiasm for the incoming 47th president. Contrast all these numbers with the generally positive vibes that Virginians feel about their governor.

Virginians want to spend the surplus. They’d consider one-time tax relief but not permanent cuts.

Here’s one place where our popular governor seems out of step with public opinion. He’s been consistently pushing for tax cuts. Virginians aren’t nearly as keen on those as he is. The state is looking at a budget surplus of $2 billion or more, and one of the big questions before this year’s General Assembly session is what to do with that. 

Given three choices in this poll, 46% say “the surplus should go primarily towards government services such as K-12 school spending, childcare and infrastructure,” while 40% say “the surplus should go toward one-time tax rebate for individuals, with the remainder going toward government services such as K-12 school spending, childcare and infrastructure.” Only 11% say “the surplus should go primarily towards long-term individual and corporate tax cuts.”

There are other options available — a combination of spending and permanent cuts, for instance — but the poll didn’t ask about those, so, as with any poll, we know what we know and don’t know what we don’t know. It is curious to me that only 23% of the Republicans surveyed opted for the permanent tax cut option. Instead, 50% want a combination of spending and one-time cuts. Not surprisingly, 59% of Democrats favored the spending route, but so did 51% of independents. On other questions, independents sided with Republicans; here they sided with Democrats. This is part of what makes them, well, independent. 

Virginians would approve constitutional amendments on abortion rights, civil rights restoration.

Bristol Women’s Health is the only abortion clinic in the region. It has drawn national and international attention since a longtime clinic that performed abortions on the Tennessee side of the city closed and Bristol Women’s Health opened about a mile away in Bristol, Virginia, in anticipation of tightening abortion laws in Tennessee. Photo by Susan Cameron.
Bristol Women’s Health is the only abortion clinic in the region. It has drawn national and international attention since a longtime clinic that performed abortions on the Tennessee side of the city closed and Bristol Women’s Health opened about a mile away in Bristol, Virginia, in anticipation of tightening abortion laws in Tennessee. Photo by Susan Cameron.

Three proposed amendments to the state constitution are moving through the General Assembly; the CNU poll asked about two of those. If these amendments pass this year’s session (they will), they’d have to pass again next year before going to a referendum. This poll gives an early look at how they might fare:

The abortion rights amendment would pass easily: 43% say they strongly support it, another 18% support it, so that’s 61% on the “yes” side, while 32% are on some shade of the “no” side.

The amendment to automatically restore civil rights to convicted felons would also pass: 63% are on some variation of the “yes” side, while 32% are on some variation of the “no” side.

The poll did not ask about the amendment to guarantee the right to a same-sex marriage in case the U.S. Supreme Court ever changes its mind, but I wrote about some of the electoral history in Thursday’s column.

Virginians don’t much like data centers.

Data centers in Prince William County. Courtesy of Roger Snyder.
Data centers in Prince William County. Courtesy of Roger Snyder.

The poll asked four questions about data centers, those computer warehouses that make the internet “go.” Virginia (mostly Northern Virginia) has become a global center for data centers, but not everyone is happy about their growth. The poll shines some light on the depths of those feelings.

  • 67% said they’d support a law that would ban data centers within a mile of a national park, state park or other historically significant site. These feelings were strongest in Northern Virginia, where 76% said yes, but found majority support across the state. It’s also notable that there were strong majorities for this bill across the political spectrum, although Democrats were somewhat more supportive. Still, 62% of Republicans were in favor, a landslide by any measure.
  • 77% said they’d support a law to require data centers to promote energy efficiency. Once again, that received strong support across the political and geographic spectrum, with Democrats and Northern Virginians the most supportive but even Republicans backing it by wide margins.
  • 57% said they opposed expanding state and local tax incentives for data centers. This is still a healthy majority, but notice it’s lower than on the other questions. Also, this opposition was consistent across both parties. Of note: Geographically, the opposition was strongest in Northern Virginia at 64% but fell to 51% in Southwest Virginia. While geographical crosstabs have a higher margin of error, I do wonder if the lower opposition in Southwest Virginia is because that region might be more open to data centers for the jobs they provide.
  • 48% support abolishing the tax incentives that data centers currently get; 39% oppose. You’ll notice this has a lot less support, so it seems that Virginians don’t want to expand tax incentives but aren’t quite as sure they want to abolish them. Democrats and Republicans were once again in agreement, but we also continue to see Southwest Virginia as an outlier: Northern Virginia and Richmond both had majorities in favor of abolishing tax incentives; Hampton Roads had a plurality. Southwest Virginia was reversed: It’s the only region where there was a plurality against doing away with tax incentives for data centers: 37% there wanted to do away with such incentives but 48% did not. 

My reading of this: Northern Virginia is definitely souring on data centers, but Southwest Virginia might be open to a conversation. There are technical issues to locating data centers in Southwest Virginia in terms of sufficient internet connections, but if those can ever be overcome, Southwest Virginia might be a more welcoming part of the state.

More on campaign finance reports

The Executive Mansion, informally known as the governor's mansion. Photo by Bob Brown.
The Executive Mansion, informally known as the governor’s mansion. Photo by Bob Brown.

In this week’s West of the Capital, our weekly political newsletter, I’ll look more closely at this week’s campaign finance reports to see what they tell us about the 2025 elections taking shape. You can sign up for that or any of our other free newsletters below:

The post CNU poll: Spanberger up, data centers down (except maybe in Southwest Virginia) appeared first on Cardinal News.

CNU poll: Spanberger up, data centers down (except maybe in Southwest Virginia) [Cardinal News] (01:42 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

The Trible Library at Christopher Newport University with the administration building in the background. Photo by Dwayne Yancey.

Virginians like the job that Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin is doing but are leaning toward Democrat Abigail Spanberger as his successor. They’d overwhelmingly approve constitutional amendments to guarantee abortion rights and restore civil rights to convicted felons. They generally want to see the state’s budget surplus spent on schools, not tax cuts, and they really don’t like data centers — although people in Southwest Virginia might be more open to them than others. 

Those are some of the findings in a new poll that came out Thursday from Christopher Newport University’s Wason Center for Civic Leadership. For political junkies, there’s nothing better than a new set of numbers, so let’s see what we have here.

Spanberger takes early lead in governor’s race (maybe).

Democrat Abigail Spanberger (left) and Republican Winsome Earle-Sears (right).
Democrat Abigail Spanberger (left) and Republican Winsome Earle-Sears (right).

The CNU poll puts the governor’s race at 44% for Democrat Abigail Spanberger, who recently left her 7th District seat in the U.S. House to run, and 39% for Republican Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears. That margin of 5 percentage points is outside the poll’s 3.6% margin of error.

Before we go further, I should point out that these findings are different from two other recent polls that showed the race essentially tied. An Emerson College poll put the race at Spanberger 42%, Earle-Sears 41%, while the Mason-Dixon poll found the race to be Spanberger 47%, Earle-Sears 44%. 

This comes against a backdrop of the latest campaign finance reports, which show Spanberger with a big money lead. In reports that came out Wednesday, Spanberger has raised $5,965,249 to Earle-Sears’ $2,563,085. Spanberger did start earlier than Earle-Sears, and no one expects the Democrat to continue to have more than twice as much money as the Republican. Rep. Bobby Scott, D-Newport News, continues to say he might seek the Democratic nomination for governor, but Spanberger’s cash advantage has to be daunting if he wants to gear up a competitive campaign for a June primary.

Meanwhile, Earle-Sears has come out swinging — which is what you might do if you thought you were an underdog. She’s been using every opportunity possible to pound the drum that Democrats would endanger the state’s so-called “right-to-work” law, which means that workers don’t have to join a union or pay union dues just because there’s a union in the workplace. To me, this is all about the political equivalent of the military “shaping the battlefield.” Ditto, some of the Republican measures we’re now seeing in the General Assembly dealing with trans athletes and scholarships for students to attend private schools. Whether those are good policy measures depends on your political preferences, but the reality is none of those are likely to pass the Democratic-controlled General Assembly. However, Republicans see how potent the trans issue was for Donald Trump in November and are keen to replicate that in Virginia. 

One thing to keep an eye on in the governor’s race: The CNU poll shows independents almost evenly split, with a 37% to 35% tilt toward Spanberger.

Also of note: There’s been speculation about whether Earle-Sears might make inroads with Black voters, who normally vote Democratic. This poll doesn’t show that yet but does show that white voters prefer the Black woman over the white woman by 47% to 41%. 

CNU did not poll for the lieutenant governor or attorney general races.

Governor Glenn Youngkin. Photo by Bob Brown.
Governor Glenn Youngkin. Photo by Bob Brown.

Youngkin consistently polls well in every survey, and this one is no exception. The CNU poll shows that 53% of Virginians approve of the job he’s doing, while 33% disapprove. Republicans naturally like a Republican governor, but some of Youngkin’s popularity comes from non-Republicans. Independents approve of Youngkin 54% to 29%. That’s why Earle-Sears now talks about the “Youngkin/Earle-Sears administration” — to associate herself with the good feelings that voters, especially independents, have about the governor. A significant number of Democrats give Youngkin a thumbs up, too: 19% of Democrats approve of the job he’s doing.

I’m curious how much of this reflects Youngkin’s personality, because while Virginians like him, they also like a lot of policies he’s opposed to.

Virginians also think the state is doing well.

One key indicator in any poll is the traditional right track/wrong track question. In this poll, 49% of those surveyed think the state is headed in the right direction, while 31% say it’s headed in the wrong direction. Republicans are more optimistic than Democrats — likely because there’s a Republican governor — but independents overwhelmingly think the state is headed in the right direction: 49% of independents say right direction, 28% say wrong direction.

This is another thing in Earle-Sears’ favor and one that complicates Spanberger’s messaging: If Virginians like how the state is doing, why would they make a party change in the governor’s office?

These feelings about the state are in direct contradiction to how Virginians feel about the nation: 58% say the nation is headed in the wrong direction, 31% in the right direction. Independents are especially unhappy about the national direction: 63% say it’s headed in the wrong direction. However, it’s impossible to say whether they think that way because Joe Biden is in office or because Donald Trump is about to take office, or some other reason entirely. 

Virginians don’t think much of Biden — or Trump, either.

President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump. Official portraits.
President Joe Biden and President-elect Donald Trump. Official portraits.

Biden gets low marks as he prepares to leave the presidency: 38% said he was “definitely worse than most” presidents, and 25% said he was “not as good as most” — although 28% said he was “better than most.” Still, the weight was on the negative side. 

As Trump gets ready to take office again, 36% said he would likely be unsuccessful, while 31% predicted he’d be successful and another 31% said it was too soon to tell. That doesn’t strike me as a lot of enthusiasm for the incoming 47th president. Contrast all these numbers with the generally positive vibes that Virginians feel about their governor.

Virginians want to spend the surplus. They’d consider one-time tax relief but not permanent cuts.

Here’s one place where our popular governor seems out of step with public opinion. He’s been consistently pushing for tax cuts. Virginians aren’t nearly as keen on those as he is. The state is looking at a budget surplus of $2 billion or more, and one of the big questions before this year’s General Assembly session is what to do with that. 

Given three choices in this poll, 46% say “the surplus should go primarily towards government services such as K-12 school spending, childcare and infrastructure,” while 40% say “the surplus should go toward one-time tax rebate for individuals, with the remainder going toward government services such as K-12 school spending, childcare and infrastructure.” Only 11% say “the surplus should go primarily towards long-term individual and corporate tax cuts.”

There are other options available — a combination of spending and permanent cuts, for instance — but the poll didn’t ask about those, so, as with any poll, we know what we know and don’t know what we don’t know. It is curious to me that only 23% of the Republicans surveyed opted for the permanent tax cut option. Instead, 50% want a combination of spending and one-time cuts. Not surprisingly, 59% of Democrats favored the spending route, but so did 51% of independents. On other questions, independents sided with Republicans; here they sided with Democrats. This is part of what makes them, well, independent. 

Virginians would approve constitutional amendments on abortion rights, civil rights restoration.

Bristol Women’s Health is the only abortion clinic in the region. It has drawn national and international attention since a longtime clinic that performed abortions on the Tennessee side of the city closed and Bristol Women’s Health opened about a mile away in Bristol, Virginia, in anticipation of tightening abortion laws in Tennessee. Photo by Susan Cameron.
Bristol Women’s Health is the only abortion clinic in the region. It has drawn national and international attention since a longtime clinic that performed abortions on the Tennessee side of the city closed and Bristol Women’s Health opened about a mile away in Bristol, Virginia, in anticipation of tightening abortion laws in Tennessee. Photo by Susan Cameron.

Three proposed amendments to the state constitution are moving through the General Assembly; the CNU poll asked about two of those. If these amendments pass this year’s session (they will), they’d have to pass again next year before going to a referendum. This poll gives an early look at how they might fare:

The abortion rights amendment would pass easily: 43% say they strongly support it, another 18% support it, so that’s 61% on the “yes” side, while 32% are on some shade of the “no” side.

The amendment to automatically restore civil rights to convicted felons would also pass: 63% are on some variation of the “yes” side, while 32% are on some variation of the “no” side.

The poll did not ask about the amendment to guarantee the right to a same-sex marriage in case the U.S. Supreme Court ever changes its mind, but I wrote about some of the electoral history in Thursday’s column.

Virginians don’t much like data centers.

Data centers in Prince William County. Courtesy of Roger Snyder.
Data centers in Prince William County. Courtesy of Roger Snyder.

The poll asked four questions about data centers, those computer warehouses that make the internet “go.” Virginia (mostly Northern Virginia) has become a global center for data centers, but not everyone is happy about their growth. The poll shines some light on the depths of those feelings.

  • 67% said they’d support a law that would ban data centers within a mile of a national park, state park or other historically significant site. These feelings were strongest in Northern Virginia, where 76% said yes, but found majority support across the state. It’s also notable that there were strong majorities for this bill across the political spectrum, although Democrats were somewhat more supportive. Still, 62% of Republicans were in favor, a landslide by any measure.
  • 77% said they’d support a law to require data centers to promote energy efficiency. Once again, that received strong support across the political and geographic spectrum, with Democrats and Northern Virginians the most supportive but even Republicans backing it by wide margins.
  • 57% said they opposed expanding state and local tax incentives for data centers. This is still a healthy majority, but notice it’s lower than on the other questions. Also, this opposition was consistent across both parties. Of note: Geographically, the opposition was strongest in Northern Virginia at 64% but fell to 51% in Southwest Virginia. While geographical crosstabs have a higher margin of error, I do wonder if the lower opposition in Southwest Virginia is because that region might be more open to data centers for the jobs they provide.
  • 48% support abolishing the tax incentives that data centers currently get; 39% oppose. You’ll notice this has a lot less support, so it seems that Virginians don’t want to expand tax incentives but aren’t quite as sure they want to abolish them. Democrats and Republicans were once again in agreement, but we also continue to see Southwest Virginia as an outlier: Northern Virginia and Richmond both had majorities in favor of abolishing tax incentives; Hampton Roads had a plurality. Southwest Virginia was reversed: It’s the only region where there was a plurality against doing away with tax incentives for data centers: 37% there wanted to do away with such incentives but 48% did not. 

My reading of this: Northern Virginia is definitely souring on data centers, but Southwest Virginia might be open to a conversation. There are technical issues to locating data centers in Southwest Virginia in terms of sufficient internet connections, but if those can ever be overcome, Southwest Virginia might be a more welcoming part of the state.

More on campaign finance reports

The Executive Mansion, informally known as the governor's mansion. Photo by Bob Brown.
The Executive Mansion, informally known as the governor’s mansion. Photo by Bob Brown.

In this week’s West of the Capital, our weekly political newsletter, I’ll look more closely at this week’s campaign finance reports to see what they tell us about the 2025 elections taking shape. You can sign up for that or any of our other free newsletters below:

The post CNU poll: Spanberger up, data centers down (except maybe in Southwest Virginia) appeared first on Cardinal News.

CNU poll: Spanberger up, data centers down (except maybe in Southwest Virginia) [Cardinal News] (01:42 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

The Trible Library at Christopher Newport University with the administration building in the background. Photo by Dwayne Yancey.

Virginians like the job that Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin is doing but are leaning toward Democrat Abigail Spanberger as his successor. They’d overwhelmingly approve constitutional amendments to guarantee abortion rights and restore civil rights to convicted felons. They generally want to see the state’s budget surplus spent on schools, not tax cuts, and they really don’t like data centers — although people in Southwest Virginia might be more open to them than others. 

Those are some of the findings in a new poll that came out Thursday from Christopher Newport University’s Wason Center for Civic Leadership. For political junkies, there’s nothing better than a new set of numbers, so let’s see what we have here.

Spanberger takes early lead in governor’s race (maybe).

Democrat Abigail Spanberger (left) and Republican Winsome Earle-Sears (right).
Democrat Abigail Spanberger (left) and Republican Winsome Earle-Sears (right).

The CNU poll puts the governor’s race at 44% for Democrat Abigail Spanberger, who recently left her 7th District seat in the U.S. House to run, and 39% for Republican Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears. That margin of 5 percentage points is outside the poll’s 3.6% margin of error.

Before we go further, I should point out that these findings are different from two other recent polls that showed the race essentially tied. An Emerson College poll put the race at Spanberger 42%, Earle-Sears 41%, while the Mason-Dixon poll found the race to be Spanberger 47%, Earle-Sears 44%. 

This comes against a backdrop of the latest campaign finance reports, which show Spanberger with a big money lead. In reports that came out Wednesday, Spanberger has raised $5,965,249 to Earle-Sears’ $2,563,085. Spanberger did start earlier than Earle-Sears, and no one expects the Democrat to continue to have more than twice as much money as the Republican. Rep. Bobby Scott, D-Newport News, continues to say he might seek the Democratic nomination for governor, but Spanberger’s cash advantage has to be daunting if he wants to gear up a competitive campaign for a June primary.

Meanwhile, Earle-Sears has come out swinging — which is what you might do if you thought you were an underdog. She’s been using every opportunity possible to pound the drum that Democrats would endanger the state’s so-called “right-to-work” law, which means that workers don’t have to join a union or pay union dues just because there’s a union in the workplace. To me, this is all about the political equivalent of the military “shaping the battlefield.” Ditto, some of the Republican measures we’re now seeing in the General Assembly dealing with trans athletes and scholarships for students to attend private schools. Whether those are good policy measures depends on your political preferences, but the reality is none of those are likely to pass the Democratic-controlled General Assembly. However, Republicans see how potent the trans issue was for Donald Trump in November and are keen to replicate that in Virginia. 

One thing to keep an eye on in the governor’s race: The CNU poll shows independents almost evenly split, with a 37% to 35% tilt toward Spanberger.

Also of note: There’s been speculation about whether Earle-Sears might make inroads with Black voters, who normally vote Democratic. This poll doesn’t show that yet but does show that white voters prefer the Black woman over the white woman by 47% to 41%. 

CNU did not poll for the lieutenant governor or attorney general races.

Governor Glenn Youngkin. Photo by Bob Brown.
Governor Glenn Youngkin. Photo by Bob Brown.

Youngkin consistently polls well in every survey, and this one is no exception. The CNU poll shows that 53% of Virginians approve of the job he’s doing, while 33% disapprove. Republicans naturally like a Republican governor, but some of Youngkin’s popularity comes from non-Republicans. Independents approve of Youngkin 54% to 29%. That’s why Earle-Sears now talks about the “Youngkin/Earle-Sears administration” — to associate herself with the good feelings that voters, especially independents, have about the governor. A significant number of Democrats give Youngkin a thumbs up, too: 19% of Democrats approve of the job he’s doing.

I’m curious how much of this reflects Youngkin’s personality, because while Virginians like him, they also like a lot of policies he’s opposed to.

Virginians also think the state is doing well.

One key indicator in any poll is the traditional right track/wrong track question. In this poll, 49% of those surveyed think the state is headed in the right direction, while 31% say it’s headed in the wrong direction. Republicans are more optimistic than Democrats — likely because there’s a Republican governor — but independents overwhelmingly think the state is headed in the right direction: 49% of independents say right direction, 28% say wrong direction.

This is another thing in Earle-Sears’ favor and one that complicates Spanberger’s messaging: If Virginians like how the state is doing, why would they make a party change in the governor’s office?

These feelings about the state are in direct contradiction to how Virginians feel about the nation: 58% say the nation is headed in the wrong direction, 31% in the right direction. Independents are especially unhappy about the national direction: 63% say it’s headed in the wrong direction. However, it’s impossible to say whether they think that way because Joe Biden is in office or because Donald Trump is about to take office, or some other reason entirely. 

Virginians don’t think much of Biden — or Trump, either.

President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump. Official portraits.
President Joe Biden and President-elect Donald Trump. Official portraits.

Biden gets low marks as he prepares to leave the presidency: 38% said he was “definitely worse than most” presidents, and 25% said he was “not as good as most” — although 28% said he was “better than most.” Still, the weight was on the negative side. 

As Trump gets ready to take office again, 36% said he would likely be unsuccessful, while 31% predicted he’d be successful and another 31% said it was too soon to tell. That doesn’t strike me as a lot of enthusiasm for the incoming 47th president. Contrast all these numbers with the generally positive vibes that Virginians feel about their governor.

Virginians want to spend the surplus. They’d consider one-time tax relief but not permanent cuts.

Here’s one place where our popular governor seems out of step with public opinion. He’s been consistently pushing for tax cuts. Virginians aren’t nearly as keen on those as he is. The state is looking at a budget surplus of $2 billion or more, and one of the big questions before this year’s General Assembly session is what to do with that. 

Given three choices in this poll, 46% say “the surplus should go primarily towards government services such as K-12 school spending, childcare and infrastructure,” while 40% say “the surplus should go toward one-time tax rebate for individuals, with the remainder going toward government services such as K-12 school spending, childcare and infrastructure.” Only 11% say “the surplus should go primarily towards long-term individual and corporate tax cuts.”

There are other options available — a combination of spending and permanent cuts, for instance — but the poll didn’t ask about those, so, as with any poll, we know what we know and don’t know what we don’t know. It is curious to me that only 23% of the Republicans surveyed opted for the permanent tax cut option. Instead, 50% want a combination of spending and one-time cuts. Not surprisingly, 59% of Democrats favored the spending route, but so did 51% of independents. On other questions, independents sided with Republicans; here they sided with Democrats. This is part of what makes them, well, independent. 

Virginians would approve constitutional amendments on abortion rights, civil rights restoration.

Bristol Women’s Health is the only abortion clinic in the region. It has drawn national and international attention since a longtime clinic that performed abortions on the Tennessee side of the city closed and Bristol Women’s Health opened about a mile away in Bristol, Virginia, in anticipation of tightening abortion laws in Tennessee. Photo by Susan Cameron.
Bristol Women’s Health is the only abortion clinic in the region. It has drawn national and international attention since a longtime clinic that performed abortions on the Tennessee side of the city closed and Bristol Women’s Health opened about a mile away in Bristol, Virginia, in anticipation of tightening abortion laws in Tennessee. Photo by Susan Cameron.

Three proposed amendments to the state constitution are moving through the General Assembly; the CNU poll asked about two of those. If these amendments pass this year’s session (they will), they’d have to pass again next year before going to a referendum. This poll gives an early look at how they might fare:

The abortion rights amendment would pass easily: 43% say they strongly support it, another 18% support it, so that’s 61% on the “yes” side, while 32% are on some shade of the “no” side.

The amendment to automatically restore civil rights to convicted felons would also pass: 63% are on some variation of the “yes” side, while 32% are on some variation of the “no” side.

The poll did not ask about the amendment to guarantee the right to a same-sex marriage in case the U.S. Supreme Court ever changes its mind, but I wrote about some of the electoral history in Thursday’s column.

Virginians don’t much like data centers.

Data centers in Prince William County. Courtesy of Roger Snyder.
Data centers in Prince William County. Courtesy of Roger Snyder.

The poll asked four questions about data centers, those computer warehouses that make the internet “go.” Virginia (mostly Northern Virginia) has become a global center for data centers, but not everyone is happy about their growth. The poll shines some light on the depths of those feelings.

  • 67% said they’d support a law that would ban data centers within a mile of a national park, state park or other historically significant site. These feelings were strongest in Northern Virginia, where 76% said yes, but found majority support across the state. It’s also notable that there were strong majorities for this bill across the political spectrum, although Democrats were somewhat more supportive. Still, 62% of Republicans were in favor, a landslide by any measure.
  • 77% said they’d support a law to require data centers to promote energy efficiency. Once again, that received strong support across the political and geographic spectrum, with Democrats and Northern Virginians the most supportive but even Republicans backing it by wide margins.
  • 57% said they opposed expanding state and local tax incentives for data centers. This is still a healthy majority, but notice it’s lower than on the other questions. Also, this opposition was consistent across both parties. Of note: Geographically, the opposition was strongest in Northern Virginia at 64% but fell to 51% in Southwest Virginia. While geographical crosstabs have a higher margin of error, I do wonder if the lower opposition in Southwest Virginia is because that region might be more open to data centers for the jobs they provide.
  • 48% support abolishing the tax incentives that data centers currently get; 39% oppose. You’ll notice this has a lot less support, so it seems that Virginians don’t want to expand tax incentives but aren’t quite as sure they want to abolish them. Democrats and Republicans were once again in agreement, but we also continue to see Southwest Virginia as an outlier: Northern Virginia and Richmond both had majorities in favor of abolishing tax incentives; Hampton Roads had a plurality. Southwest Virginia was reversed: It’s the only region where there was a plurality against doing away with tax incentives for data centers: 37% there wanted to do away with such incentives but 48% did not. 

My reading of this: Northern Virginia is definitely souring on data centers, but Southwest Virginia might be open to a conversation. There are technical issues to locating data centers in Southwest Virginia in terms of sufficient internet connections, but if those can ever be overcome, Southwest Virginia might be a more welcoming part of the state.

More on campaign finance reports

The Executive Mansion, informally known as the governor's mansion. Photo by Bob Brown.
The Executive Mansion, informally known as the governor’s mansion. Photo by Bob Brown.

In this week’s West of the Capital, our weekly political newsletter, I’ll look more closely at this week’s campaign finance reports to see what they tell us about the 2025 elections taking shape. You can sign up for that or any of our other free newsletters below:

The post CNU poll: Spanberger up, data centers down (except maybe in Southwest Virginia) appeared first on Cardinal News.

Ninth Circuit Reverses Course, Says Oregon’s Surreptitious Recording Law Is Constitutional, Actually [Techdirt] (12:36 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

As I noted when the Ninth Circuit Appeals Court handed down its original decision back in 2023, I didn’t care much for the plaintiff, but I did care quite a bit about the First Amendment. Less-than-ideal litigants make some pretty good caselaw, and that’s how it went here.

The plaintiff challenging Oregon’s surreptitious recording law was Project Veritas, a right-wing bunch of agitators that tends to rely on heavily edited recordings to prove whatever point it’s trying to make. But its tactics aren’t all that distinguishable from more credible forms of journalism. The same sort of thing is essential to whistleblowing. All that really separates Project Veritas from these other things is its general lack of ethics.

That being said, it raised a valid point in court. And, on appeal, the Ninth Circuit Appeals Court agreed with its allegations, finding that Oregon’s law against surreptitious recordings violated the Constitution.

Applying Animal Legal Def. Fund. v. Wasden, 878 F.3d 1184 (9th Cir. 2018), the panel held that section 165.540(1)(c) regulates protected speech (unannounced audiovisual recording) and is content based because it distinguishes between particular topics by restricting some subject matters (e.g., a state executive officer’s official activities) and not others (e.g., a police officer’s official activities). As a content-based restriction, the rule fails strict scrutiny review because the law is not narrowly tailored to achieving a compelling governmental interest in protecting conversational privacy with respect to each activity within the proscription’s scope, which necessarily includes its regulation of protected speech in places open to the public.

The dissent thought otherwise, claiming the law protected citizens’ right to “conversational privacy,” thus basically making Oregon a two-party consent state. More oddly, the dissent claimed the fact that surreptitious recordings could be shared more widely and quickly than when the law was first crafted was reason enough to ignore the obvious First Amendment implication of banning this form of subterfuge.

In other words, in Project Veritas’s view, having one’s oral communication secretly recorded imposes no greater burden on privacy than merely having the same comments heard—never mind that recorded comments can be forwarded to vast audiences, posted on the internet in perpetuity, selectively edited, presented devoid of context, or manipulated using modern technology.

But that’s always been the case with recordings. They can be manipulated, edited, and shared. That it happens more quickly now doesn’t really change anything.

Except that it apparently does. The Ninth Circuit reconvened for an en banc hearing and has flipped its own script. According to the court’s (extremely long) decision [PDF], the problem here isn’t any of these things necessarily. It’s the other thing: too much scrutiny.

That’s where the court decided it went wrong. It applied to high a level of scrutiny to something it has now chosen to portray as government speech, even though it’s really the opposite — a government incursion on free speech protections.

First, it says the law is content-neutral, in that it applies to the act of recording, rather than the contents of the recordings.

[The statute] does not “draw[ ] distinctions based on the message a speaker conveys,” and it was not adopted because of the government’s “disagreement with the [speaker’s] message.”

While that’s true, it kind of sidesteps the reality of imposing this limitation on people engaged in journalism or whistleblowing, who will once again find these actions illegal. So, it does affect the messages a speaker “conveys,” even if it doesn’t directly affect the person doing the literal speaking when the recording is being made.

Having decided that, the Appeals Court lowers the scrutiny bar and finds it’s much easier for the law to clear it.

To further its interest in preserving conversational privacy, Oregon adopted a relatively modest notice requirement. Absent an applicable exception, Project Veritas must inform participants in a conversation that they will be recorded before initiating a recording. Keeping the purpose of the statute in mind, section 165.540(1)(c) is exceptionally well tailored to protecting Oregonians’ private conversations. By requiring that participants in a conversation be informed before an audio recording begins, but not requiring that they consent to the recording, the statute minimizes the infringement upon Project Veritas’s journalistic efforts while still protecting the interviewees’ right to knowingly participate in Project Veritas’s speech—or not. Once a person is on notice that she will be recorded, she may choose to speak or remain silent. Either way, a noticed recording does not violate a privacy interest. Moreover, consistent with Oregon’s interest in conversational privacy, the statute does not sweep in photography or video recordings; it applies only to recordings of face-to-face oral communications.

Oregon’s statutory scheme is well tailored because it also accounts for some settings in which people cannot reasonably expect not to have their oral statements recorded…. These exceptions permit open recordings at public gatherings, including protests, and private meetings in which participants should reasonably expect that they will be recorded….

It also says journalists for years have engaged in journalism without secretly recording people. And since they’ve been able to publish exposes without this form of personal intrusion, apparently it shouldn’t be an option for anyone. If people choose not to speak after being informed they’re being recorded, no one’s rights are harmed. It’s perhaps better put in the court’s citations (the claim that surreptitious recordings allow people to speak for others without their consent), but the end result is something that’s just going to lend itself to abuse by government officials, even if the law specifically contains some small exceptions excluding (some) public employees from being covered by this law.

The dissent sounds more like the original opinion delivered by this court.

Oregon’s law is grossly overbroad and not narrowly tailored to advance the state’s interest in conversational privacy (even assuming intermediate scrutiny applies). Oregon prevents citizens from recording even in public areas if they do not announce that they are audiotaping. Oregon thus tramples on people’s ability to record and report on a large swath of public and newsworthy events. And because the law bans the taping of conversations where there is no reasonable expectation of privacy, Oregon’s statute is not narrowly tailored to further the state’s interest in conversational privacy.

In any event, Oregon’s law should be subject to strict scrutiny, not intermediate scrutiny, because the statute is not content-neutral. The statute has a law-enforcement exception that allows citizens to legally record law enforcement officials—but no one else—without announcing that they are recording them. Oregon has essentially carved out only law enforcement matters from its ban on unannounced recording. Because this is a content-based restriction, strict scrutiny applies—and Oregon’s law must fall to the wayside…

Unfortunately, this time around it’s the dissent and so it ultimately has no effect on Oregon’s law. Project Veritas is now back where it started. If it wants to challenge this, it will have to ask the Supreme Court to take a look at it. Given that court’s lack of interest in fielding cases, much less engaging in robust defense of certain constitutional rights, this might be a lost cause even with a plaintiff more than half the current justices probably approve of. After all, striking this law down just means some of their conservative buddies might be “victimized” by surreptitious recordings in the future. And that’s probably not a risk they’re willing to take.

The New ROSE Hobo Dropbar has an Integrated Front Rack [BIKEPACKING.com] (12:01 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

Rose Hobo DropbarThe new ROSE Hobo Dropbar is the latest release from the German bike company set on creating a do-it-all commuter. With an integrated front rack, this drop-bar, gravel-oriented variant of their Hobo model is bound to be useful for bikepackers and commuters alike. Read on for more on this intriguing design...

The post The New ROSE Hobo Dropbar has an Integrated Front Rack appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

The New ROSE Hobo Dropbar has an Integrated Front Rack [BIKEPACKING.com] (12:01 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

Rose Hobo DropbarThe new ROSE Hobo Dropbar is the latest release from the German bike company set on creating a do-it-all commuter. With an integrated front rack, this drop-bar, gravel-oriented variant of their Hobo model is bound to be useful for bikepackers and commuters alike. Read on for more on this intriguing design...

The post The New ROSE Hobo Dropbar has an Integrated Front Rack appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

The New ROSE Hobo Dropbar has an Integrated Front Rack [BIKEPACKING.com] (12:01 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

Rose Hobo DropbarThe new ROSE Hobo Dropbar is the latest release from the German bike company set on creating a do-it-all commuter. With an integrated front rack, this drop-bar, gravel-oriented variant of their Hobo model is bound to be useful for bikepackers and commuters alike. Read on for more on this intriguing design...

The post The New ROSE Hobo Dropbar has an Integrated Front Rack appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

LA Fires: How You Can Support the Los Angeles Cycling Community [BIKEPACKING.com] (11:01 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

Inside Road Runner Bags VisitAmid the most devastating fires in California’s history, residents around Los Angeles are beginning their journeys toward recovery. Our friend Errin Vasquez put together a list of folks from the city’s cycling community who need help to get back on their feet. Learn more and find links to support them here…

The post LA Fires: How You Can Support the Los Angeles Cycling Community appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

LA Fires: How You Can Support the Los Angeles Cycling Community [BIKEPACKING.com] (11:01 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

Inside Road Runner Bags VisitAmid the most devastating fires in California’s history, residents around Los Angeles are beginning their journeys toward recovery. Our friend Errin Vasquez put together a list of folks from the city’s cycling community who need help to get back on their feet. Learn more and find links to support them here…

The post LA Fires: How You Can Support the Los Angeles Cycling Community appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Critical rsync security release 3.4.0 [Arch Linux: Recent news updates] (10:33 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

We'd like to raise awareness about the rsync security release version 3.4.0-1 as described in our advisory ASA-202501-1.

An attacker only requires anonymous read access to a vulnerable rsync server, such as a public mirror, to execute arbitrary code on the machine the server is running on. Additionally, attackers can take control of an affected server and read/write arbitrary files of any connected client. Sensitive data can be extracted, such as OpenPGP and SSH keys, and malicious code can be executed by overwriting files such as ~/.bashrc or ~/.popt.

We highly advise anyone who runs an rsync daemon or client prior to version 3.4.0-1 to upgrade and reboot their systems immediately. As Arch Linux mirrors are mostly synchronized using rsync, we highly advise any mirror administrator to act immediately, even though the hosted package files themselves are cryptographically signed.

All infrastructure servers and mirrors maintained by Arch Linux have already been updated.

Too Many Tabs: Various Video Finds Part 3 (#notbikepacking edition) [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:57 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

Too Many TabsMore Aurora sightings in 2025. Quantum navigation. Car brain. In the third installment of our video roundup series, Logan checks in with the team to curate a diverse mix of entertaining and informative bikepacking-adjacent videos that have been lingering in various browser tabs for far too long. Featuring a blend of new discoveries and predictions, this collection is a little different...

The post Too Many Tabs: Various Video Finds Part 3 (#notbikepacking edition) appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Too Many Tabs: Various Video Finds Part 3 (#notbikepacking edition) [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:57 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

Too Many TabsMore Aurora sightings in 2025. Quantum navigation. Car brain. In the third installment of our video roundup series, Logan checks in with the team to curate a diverse mix of entertaining and informative bikepacking-adjacent videos that have been lingering in various browser tabs for far too long. Featuring a blend of new discoveries and predictions, this collection is a little different...

The post Too Many Tabs: Various Video Finds Part 3 (#notbikepacking edition) appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

The Six Moon Designs Lunar Orbiter Tent is Freestanding [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:45 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

Six Moon Designs Lunar Orbiter TentThe new Six Moon Designs Lunar Orbiter Tent has two vestibules, offers plenty of space for one person and their gear, and is the brand's first freestanding tent. Dig into the details on their latest shelter here...

The post The Six Moon Designs Lunar Orbiter Tent is Freestanding appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Biden’s TikTok Flip-Flop: President Rushes To Undo Ban He Championed As Backlash Grows [Techdirt] (08:40 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

We’re still waiting for the Supreme Court to rule on the TikTok ban case, which is expected to come today or tomorrow. But things are getting increasingly silly. The Biden administration, which actively pushed for the ban and eagerly signed it into law, is now making a last-ditch effort to… keep the app operating, even as the Supreme Court may side with [checks notes] the administration’s own Solicitor General who last week told the court that the law needed to go into effect.

This is according to NBC reporters who have the scoop:

President Joe Biden’s administration is considering ways to keep TikTok available in the United States if a ban that’s scheduled to go into effect Sunday proceeds, according to three people familiar with the discussions.

“Americans shouldn’t expect to see TikTok suddenly banned on Sunday,” an administration official said, adding that officials are “exploring options” for how to implement the law so TikTok does not go dark Sunday. 

That story comes out a few hours after a similar report detailing how President-elect Donald Trump’s team has their own plans to “save TikTok.”

President-elect Donald Trump is considering an executive order once in office that would suspend enforcement of the TikTok ban-or-sale law for 60 to 90 days, buying the administration time to negotiate a sale or alternative solution — a legally questionable effort to win a brief reprieve for the Chinese-owned app now scheduled to be banned on Sunday nationwide.

Trump has been mulling ways to save the day for the wildly popular video app, talking through unconventional dealmaking and legal maneuvers such as an executive order that would unravel the law passed by Congress last year with bipartisan support, according to two people familiar with the deliberations, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss private talks.

Trump has expressed a keen interest in being seen as rescuing a platform on which he’s been told he’s widely admired…

To recap this utterly stupid situation, let’s review the key facts here. Donald Trump was the first President who tried to ban TikTok during his last administration, only to have that attempt rejected by the courts as unconstitutional.

Subsequently, last year, the Biden administration joined forces with a large bipartisan majority to try a “more legal” way of banning the app, and they all celebrated when they bundled the TikTok ban with funding for Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan.

Trump flipped his position after getting a big donation from a billionaire friend who happens to own a huge chunk of TikTok’s parent company, ByteDance. And, as noted, Trump filed an amicus brief with the Supreme Court, essentially asking the court to delay enforcement so that he, in his view, the super genius social media deal maker (insert sarcasm font), could swoop in and make a deal to save the app.

So, now both of these Presidents, who have both tried to ban TikTok, are suddenly both claiming they want to save TikTok just as the Supreme Court seems poised to likely allow the ban to go through… and meanwhile the kids on TikTok start embracing even crazier apps from China.

All day yesterday, you could hear various politicians in DC seemingly freak out as they watched kids eagerly embrace other Chinese apps while mocking the TikTok ban. And now it appears that the two Presidents, both of whom insisted on banning the app, are (way too late) realizing just how disconnected from kids this makes them look.

All of this continues to make the political class look like a bunch of absolute dipshits who have no clue what they’re doing.

Microsoft patches Windows to eliminate Secure Boot bypass threat [Biz & IT – Ars Technica] (08:24 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

For the past seven months—and likely longer—an industry-wide standard that protects Windows devices from firmware infections could be bypassed using a simple technique. On Tuesday, Microsoft finally patched the vulnerability. The status of Linux systems is still unclear.

Tracked as CVE-2024-7344, the vulnerability made it possible for attackers who had already gained privileged access to a device to run malicious firmware during bootup. These types of attacks can be particularly pernicious because infections hide inside the firmware that runs at an early stage, before even Windows or Linux has loaded. This strategic position allows the malware to evade defenses installed by the OS and gives it the ability to survive even after hard drives have been reformatted. From then on, the resulting "bootkit" controls the operating system start.

In place since 2012, Secure Boot is designed to prevent these types of attacks by creating a chain-of-trust linking each file that gets loaded. Each time a device boots, Secure Boot verifies that each firmware component is digitally signed before it’s allowed to run. It then checks the OS bootloader's digital signature to ensure that it's trusted by the Secure Boot policy and hasn't been tampered with. Secure Boot is built into the UEFI—short for Unified Extensible Firmware Interface—the successor to the BIOS that’s responsible for booting modern Windows and Linux devices.

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Tariff Trouble: The US-Made Conundrum [BIKEPACKING.com] (07:30 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

Tariff TroubleWith President-elect Donald Trump proposing aggressive tariffs on goods of all kinds from the moment he takes office, the bike industry faces an uncertain future. While many cyclists have long debated the function and place of US-made cycling equipment against their foreign counterparts, the rapidly changing conditions of the industry demand a more in-depth look at the very makeup of the broader cycling economy...

The post Tariff Trouble: The US-Made Conundrum appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Pentax Zoom 60 [35mmc] (05:00 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

Using a late 20th century point and shoot. Considering how photography has transitioned from film to digital.

The post Pentax Zoom 60 appeared first on 35mmc.

Averett University bonds in default due to high debt ratio, trustee reports [Cardinal News] (04:45 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

A red brick sign saying "Averett University" in the foreground, with a large red-brick building with white columns in the background.

Averett University is in default on more than $14.6 million in bonds it took out to finance construction on campus, according to a notice from U.S. Bank dated Jan. 3. 

Averett is not behind on its bond payments, according to the notice. However, the private university’s debt service coverage ratio has fallen below an acceptable threshold, and it has not provided proof that it maintains required insurance coverage, according to the U.S. Bank notice to bondholders, which was posted on the Municipal Securities Rulemaking Board website.

The debt service coverage ratio is a formula used to determine whether a borrower has sufficient cash flow to cover its debts. 

If the issues don’t get resolved within a few months, Averett could be forced to pay back the bonds more quickly than originally planned. The Danville university is already facing financial constraints that have resulted in temporary staff furloughs and the elimination of the employee retirement savings match program.

In fiscal year 2023, Averett paid $290,000 toward its bonds, according to its most recent audit.

U.S. Bank is the trustee that enforces the terms of the loan agreement on behalf of the bondholders.

The bank’s notice says that there are no current plans to accelerate the repayment schedule. Averett’s bond agreement specifies that the trustee can require that the bonds be immediately paid back in the event of a default. The notice states that the university was given 30 days’ notice to remedy the issues prior to the January notice but didn’t do so.

Averett spokesperson Cassie Jones said by email Monday the university confirmed to U.S. Bank in November that its insurance policies are current and submitted the necessary documentation.

Jones did not respond to additional questions about the notice from U.S. Bank and declined a Cardinal News request to speak with someone at the university who could talk about the bonds and associated financial reporting requirements. 

She referred questions to attorney Calvin “Woody” Fowler of Williams Mullin, who represents Averett University. Asked about documentation Averett provided to prove that its insurance coverage was still in effect and about the status of the debt service coverage ratio, he said by email that neither he nor the university could comment. 

U.S. Bank declined to comment.

Averett took out bonds totaling about $15 million in December 2017 to be used for two purposes. The first was to pay off 2010 bonds that were used primarily to finance the construction and renovation of buildings on campus. 

The second was to finance new renovations and expansions of student housing. The latter, known as “The New Project,” included a major renovation of Main Hall to increase student housing capacity and modernize existing housing. It also included renovations to Danville, Davenport, Bishop and Fugate Halls. 

Fugate Hall was renovated in 2018 and 2019, and the Main Hall renovation was completed in 2019.

The bond covenant agreement requires the university to maintain a debt service coverage ratio of 1.20. This ratio signifies whether the university has enough money to repay its debts; a ratio below 1 signifies negative cash flow.

The bond agreement from 2017 states that the bonds will enter default status if the debt service coverage ratio drops below 1 for two consecutive fiscal years. U.S. Bank’s notice did not specify what Averett’s current ratio is.

The agreement also requires that the university maintain insurance on its property and operations.

Averett is trying to recover from financial mismanagement it says occurred over the course of about a year before it was discovered in spring 2024. In July, Jones said by email that spending decisions had been made using incorrect data, which resulted “in living beyond our means without realizing it at the time.” COVID-19 subsidies “helped mask broader issues” at the university, Jones said, and once the pandemic funding “dried up,” Averett didn’t adjust its finances enough to sync up its spending and revenues.

Longtime Averett President Tiffany Franks announced her retirement in December. This month, David Joyce joined the university as its new president.

Rob Warren, assistant professor of accounting at Radford University, said many colleges are feeling a post-pandemic cash crunch. He said COVID relief funding increased liquidity for many colleges and universities. Now that the funding has expired, some schools are still making adjustments to balance their budgets.

Warren said failing to meet requirements for a university’s bond debt is a significant sign of financial instability.

In January 2024, Bradley University in Illinois violated its bond covenant agreement when its debt service coverage ratio fell below 1. The bank did not call in the $17 million debt but set new bond terms including an interest rate hike and a more stringent debt service coverage ratio, according to local reporting by WCBU

Averett’s bonds are scheduled to be paid back through October 2047. The Industrial Development Authority of Danville issued the bonds but served only as a conduit, according to Danville City Manager Ken Larking. By email, Larking said that no repayment funds flow through the IDA. 

Averett must also submit an annual report and audited financial statements as part of its bond requirements and has not yet done so for 2024. In a letter dated Dec. 1 posted to the MSRB, interim chief financial officer Donald Merricks said the university intends to submit those financial reports to U.S. Bank by the end of February.

The university’s latest tax filing and audit available are for the fiscal year ending June 2023. At that time, Averett had nearly $21 million in debt. The audit noted about $1.3 million cash on hand at that time.

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Virginia’s ban on same-sex marriage may have been rendered moot but remains in the state constitution [Cardinal News] (04:15 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

Brittany Martz and Sarah Wilson celebrate their union.

In 2006, Virginians were asked whether they wanted the state constitution to ban same-sex marriage. By a landslide margin, they said they did — 57.1% voted in favor of an amendment that declared the commonwealth would only recognize “a union between one man and one woman” as a marriage. 

Eight years later, the U.S. Supreme Court declined to hear an appeal of a case that legalized same-sex marriage. On Oct. 6, 2014, the first same-sex weddings were officiated in Virginia. 

The next summer — June 26, 2015 — the U.S. Supreme Court struck down remaining bans on same-sex marriages across the country.

A decade later, though, Virginia’s ban on same-sex marriage remains written into the fundamental law of the commonwealth — moot for now, but language that would come back into force if a future U.S. Supreme Court ever changed its mind, as it sometimes does. That’s what drove a wedding officiant in Henry County to offer free services to any same-sex couples who wished to get married before Donald Trump takes office and potentially has a chance to appoint more Supreme Court justices; see the story by Cardinal’s Dean-Paul Stephens. 

Del. Tom Garrett, R-Buckingham County. Photo by Bob Brown.

Virginia Democrats (joined by some Republicans) would like to eliminate the possibility of such unions ever getting declared null and void — or, at least, getting banned again. They’re pushing a proposed constitutional amendment to strike that 2006 language from the state constitution. The House of Delegates passed the amendment 58-35 on Tuesday, with seven Republicans joining the Democrats, five abstaining and two not voting. The Senate Privileges and Elections Committee also passed the amendment; it’s expected to pass the full Senate, as well. (See the votes here.) It’s also notable that some of the Republicans who joined Democrats in voting for the amendment on Tuesday were from deeply conservative areas — most notably, Del. Tom Garrett of Buckingham County, a county that voted 60% in favor of the ban on same-sex marriage in 2006. Garrett, though, takes the libertarian point of view that maybe government shouldn’t be involved in the marriage business.

Under Virginia’s rules, such an amendment would have to pass the General Assembly twice, with an election in between, before it could go to a referendum. With Democrats holding majorities, albeit narrow ones, in both chambers, there seems little doubt that the amendment will pass this year. As for next year, that will likely depend on the outcome of this fall’s House of Delegates races, which means a future vote on the amendment might be an issue in many legislative contests this fall. 

The year 2006 doesn’t seem that long ago to some of us — although anyone born that year is now eligible to vote — but in looking back at the election results that year, you can see just how much Virginia politics has changed.

In the fall of 2006, Virginia still had two Republican U.S. senators. It also hadn’t voted Democratic in a presidential election since the 1964 Lyndon Johnson landslide over Barry Goldwater. That was the only break in a string of Republican presidential victories in Virginia going back to 1952.

Virginia started to change that fall: Democrat Jim Webb unexpectedly won the U.S. Senate race. Two years later, Barack Obama carried the state, setting in motion what is now five straight Democratic presidential victories. However, on the constitutional amendment to ban same-sex marriages, lots of Democratic localities voted for the ban. 

This map shows how few localities voted on the same-sex marriage side. Technically, they were voting no, against the ban, not yes, in favor of same-sex marriage, but effectively it was the same thing — and the mind has a hard time grasping negatives, so for our purposes today I’ve gone with the shorthand to make things easier to understand:

The localities in green voted against the ban on same-sex marriage in 2006. Data source: State Board of Elections.
The localities in green voted against the ban on same-sex marriage in 2006. Data source: State Board of Elections.

This map shows which localities voted Democratic in November’s presidential election:

The localities in blue voted Democratic in the 2024 presidential election. Data source: State Board of Elections.
The localities in blue voted Democratic in the 2024 presidential election. Data source: State Board of Elections.

Now this map combines those two — to highlight the localities that voted on the liberal side in both elections, and those that only did so in November.

This map compares shows which localities voted Democratic in 2024 that did not vote for allowing same-sex marriage in 2006. Data source: State Board of Elections.
This map compares shows which localities voted Democratic in 2024 that did not vote for allowing same-sex marriage in 2006. Data source: State Board of Elections.

There are lots of places to start — Loudoun County in Northern Virginia, the suburbs of Richmond, pretty much all of Hampton Roads — but let’s start instead in Roanoke.

In Roanoke, 54.4% of the voters that fall cast ballots in favor of banning same-sex marriage at the same time that 57.2% of them were voting for the Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate.

Roanoke Mayor Joe Cobb. Photo by Samantha Verrelli. Credit: Samantha Verrelli

A dozen years later, Roanoke elected its first openly gay member of city council — and Joe Cobb led the balloting. In November, Cobb was elected the city’s mayor. In between, there was a time when Roanoke had three gay members on its seven-member council. It seems inconceivable that the Roanoke of today would vote the same way that Roanoke did in 2006. 

Back then, not all Democratic voters supported same-sex marriage. If the proposed amendment to repeal the constitutional ban makes it to the ballot, I’d expect it to pass in Roanoke by a wide margin — generally speaking, all Democrats would support it, as would some Republicans.

The public’s view toward same-sex marriage has changed in a remarkably short period of time as far as social changes go. The 2006 referendum gives us a baseline for how Virginians felt — 57.1% were against allowing same-same marriage, 42.9% were in favor. 

By 2014, the year that same-sex marriage was legalized in Virginia, a Quinnipiac University poll found that 50% of Virginians supported such unions while 42% opposed. By 2016, a year after the Supreme Court ruling, a Public Religion Research Institute poll found that 57% in Virginia supported same-sex marriage. That figure has consistently grown in almost every poll since, with the most recent one, in 2023, showing support in Virginia at 71%. Based on that, I’d expect an amendment to repeal the ban to pass with about that same share of the vote. 

Three states that had similar bans in their state constitutions held referendums in 2024 on whether to repeal them. All voted to do so — California, Colorado and Hawaii. Colorado’s vote might be the most instructive for Virginia, if for no other reason than Virginia’s not much like California or Hawaii. Colorado, however, is much like Virginia in that it’s a former Republican state that has now realigned into the Democratic column. Colorado voted 54.1% for Kamala Harris for president, but 64.3% voted to repeal the ban on same-sex marriage. Virginia voted 51.8% for Harris. If Virginia is really like Colorado, then tack on another 10 percentage points and the vote to repeal would be close to 62% — less than the 71% figure above but still not close. For those who support keeping the current ban in the constitution, just in case the U.S. Supreme Court someday reverses the Obergefell v. Hodges ruling, that’s why it’s essential to stop the repeal amendment in the General Assembly because if it ever gets put on a ballot, it would surely pass.

Now, all that is speculation — speculation informed by facts but speculation nonetheless. Here are other facts: The Census Bureau reported in 2023 that Virginia has same-sex married couples in every city and county but one — tiny Highland County, where the population is less than 2,300. 

On a percentage basis, the census found the highest concentrations of same-sex couples in Alexandria and Norfolk, with Roanoke third. The same Roanoke that less than a generation ago voted to ban such marriages. 

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Funding approved to study placing nuclear microreactor in Wise County [Cardinal News] (04:10 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

A rendering of a microreactor inside a semi-trailer.

Months after learning that the state’s first small modular nuclear reactor won’t be built in Southwest Virginia, local officials are pushing to study the feasibility of placing a smaller nuclear generator, a microreactor, in Wise County. 

On Tuesday, a $100,000 grant that would fund the study was approved by the GO Virginia Region 1 Council, an economic development initiative that covers Southwest Virginia.

Microreactors are compact nuclear reactors small enough to be transported by truck. Most would produce up to 20 megawatts of thermal energy that could be used directly as heat or converted to electric power, according to the U.S. Department of Energy’s Office of Nuclear Energy. A small modular nuclear reactor, or SMR, ranges from 50 to 300 megawatts. 

Currently, there are no microreactors operating in the U.S., although Russia has several, according to the Idaho National Laboratory, one of 17 national labs in the U.S. Department of Energy complex.

New microreactor designs equipped with advanced technologies are being developed by several organizations and companies, the INL says on its website. Demonstrations of these modern microreactors are expected within the next seven years.

Duane Miller, executive director of the LENOWISCO Planning District Commission, told the GO Virginia council Tuesday that the microreactor technology has been used in submarines and aircraft carriers for 70 years.

LENOWISCO is assisting the county in its effort because the project could be significant to the region, according to Miller. The broader region of interest for the project is Lee, Wise, Scott and Dickenson counties and the city of Norton, he said.

After the meeting, Miller said microreactors could provide a stable and consistent power supply to rural areas like Southwest Virginia, which would reduce dependence on “intermittent” sources like solar or wind while acting as a recruitment tool for economic sectors that use a lot of energy.

“It is our hope that when completed, this project funded by GO Virginia will assist the region on the best path to move forward,” he said. 

Microreactors can be tailored to assist with powering critical infrastructure like hospitals, universities and water treatment facilities, he said, ensuring that these services remain operational in rural areas.

The study would identify and analyze a prospective site for a microreactor and the infrastructure that would be required, according to the grant application. It would also determine the baseload power capabilities and help identify customers such as data centers, the application states.

Mike Hatfield, Wise County’s administrator, said his county is interested in the possibility of a microreactor because it “wants to remain an energy leader for Virginia.”

The county is evaluating all forms of energy — gas, solar, wind, hydrogen and nuclear, he said.

The county would likely use a microreactor to provide energy to locations that can’t get efficient energy from the local power grid, such as a data center, he said.

Wise County was one of the localities in the running for a small modular nuclear reactor after Gov. Glenn Youngkin announced in October 2022 that he wanted to deploy the nation’s first SMR in the coalfields region, which was devastated by the downturn in the coal industry.

SMRs are smaller, simpler versions of traditional nuclear reactors that produce about a third of the power and can be built in a factory and shipped to a site.

In March 2024, however, Youngkin said that other sites would be a better fit for the first SMR, though he added that multiple SMRs will eventually be deployed across the state and Southwest Virginia could still get one.

In July, Dominion Energy, the state’s largest utility, announced plans to build the country’s first SMR in the 2030s at its North Anna plant, which is already licensed for a third conventional reactor.

[Disclosure: Dominion is one of our donors, but donors have no say in news decisions; see our policy.]

Two studies regarding SMRs, one a feasibility study and the other examining the supply chain, were conducted for LENOWISCO, and GO Virginia was one of the funders. Asked if those studies would pertain to the microreactor, Miller said it is a “completely different animal.”

The grant for the microreactor study must now be approved by the state Department of Housing and Community Development, and the grant must be matched by an additional $50,000,

The region’s legislators, economic development officials and some local government leaders favored the location of an SMR in the area because of the growth and jobs it was expected to bring. There was also opposition, particularly from environmental groups that said the public was left out of the process and worried that the technology was new and not proven.

Wally Smith, vice president of The Clinch Coalition, an environmental group, said Tuesday that there was a lack of opportunities for public feedback regarding the sites included in the 2023 LENOWISCO SMR feasibility study that resulted in “confusion and distrust” in Southwest Virginia. He said he hopes that local officials “learned lessons from that debacle” and will involve local residents in planning for the region’s energy future.

“In particular, GO Virginia Region One could step up to the plate and make an inclusive and intentional public listening component a condition of funding this recently proposed microreactor feasibility study,” Smith said. That would go a long way towards restoring the public’s trust in that organization’s ability to grow the local economy not just to benefit political and industry VIPs but to improve the lives of local families.”

GO Virginia Region 1 includes the cities of Bristol, Galax and Norton, and the counties of Bland, Buchanan, Carroll, Dickenson, Grayson, Lee, Russell, Scott, Smyth, Tazewell, Washington, Wise and Wythe.

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Another push to allow localities to raise sales taxes for schools passes Senate panel [Cardinal News] (04:05 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

The State Capitol. Photo by Bob Brown.

Here’s a roundup of some of the action Wednesday in the General Assembly. You can read more about the bills mentioned in this story — or any other legislation in the 2025 General Assembly session — at https://lis.virginia.gov/.

* * *

Hackworth pushes bill to allow Pulaski County to hold referendum on taxes for schools; it’s rolled into a statewide bill

Sen. Travis Hackworth, R-Tazewell, in the Senate Chamber in Richmond, Va., Monday, Jan. 13, 2025. Photo by Bob Brown.

A bill patroned by Sen. Travis Hackworth, R-Tazewell County, that would have included Pulaski County in a list of already established localities authorized to seek school tax levies, was incorporated into another bill by Sen. Jeremy McPike, D-Prince Wiliam County, during the Senate Finance and Appropriations Committee meeting Wednesday morning. McPike’s bill, SB 1307, would do the same as Hackworth’s bill but on a statewide level. 

The bill was recommended out of committee to be considered on the Senate floor. A similar bill, introduced by McPike in 2024, was passed by the Democratic-controlled General Assembly but vetoed by Gov. Glenn Youngkin, a Republican. 

“I still approve of this bill although last year the governor vetoed it,” Hackworth said in a text message. “I don’t know if his view has changed or not.”

* * *

Cifers sworn in following special election

Sen. Luther Cifers, R-Prince Edward County, is sworn in. Screenshot.
Sen. Luther Cifers, R-Prince Edward County, is sworn in. At left is his mother, Janice Cifers. Holding the Bible is his wife, Anastasiia Cifers. At right is Senate clerk Susan Clarke Schaar. Screenshot.

The newly elected representative for Senate District 10, Sen. Luther Cifers, R-Prince Edward County, was sworn into office on Wednesday afternoon. 

Cifers came out on top in a field of seven Republican candidates who sought nomination to the seat that John McGuire vacated when he won election to Congress in November. Cifers won in the third round of voting during a mass meeting in Goochland County on Dec. 13. 

He beat the Democratic candidate, Jack Trammell, by a margin of 15.61 percentage points in the solidly Republican Senate district. 

Cifers will take over McGuire’s assignments on the Senate Privileges and Elections, Local Governments and Transportation committees. 

* * *

Head’s bill to make Virginia Museum of Transportation into a state agency passes one committee but sent to another that has stopped it in the past

Sen. Chris Head, R-Botetourt County. Photo by Bob Brown.

A bill that would convert the Virginia Museum of Transportation of Roanoke, currently a nonprofit, into a state agency is once again moving down the tracks, although it’s been derailed in the past.

The Senate General Laws Committee unanimously approved SB 795 by Sen. Chris Head, R-Botetourt County, and sent it to the Senate Finance Committee. A similar bill by Head last year went to Senate Finance but never emerged. A House version of the bill last year sponsored by Del. Sam Rasoul, D-Roanoke, also died in the House Appropriations Committee.

However, at Rasoul’s request, the state budget last year included a directive for a state of the museum. That study has yet to be started, and Gov. Glenn Youngkin has asked for a one-year delay. That delay follows a turbulent year for the Roanoke-based museum, which saw allegations of financial mismanagement and an investigation into the nonprofit. 

A 2023 fiscal year report showed that the museum brought in $850,000 in revenue and spent more than $1.5 million. The nearly $700,000 shortfall led to allegations by some former museum board members of mismanagement and to a subsequent audit of the museum’s finances. The allegations were determined to be unfounded, according to reporting by The Roanoke Times.

Roanoke Valley legislators have been trying since 2022 to have the state take over the museum. See Cardinal’s previous reporting.

* * *

Ballard‘s bill to add the New River Valley to list of localities eligible to receive funds from the Tobacco Commission fails

Del. Jason Ballard, R-Giles County. Photo by Bob Brown.

Del. Jason Ballard, R-Giles County, opened his presentation of HB 1580 by referring to his bill as an “enhancement” of the Tobacco Commission rather than an “expansion” of the commission. His bill would have allowed localities in the New River Valley Region to be eligible to receive funds from the Tobacco Commission. 

In the 1990s, multiple states sued big tobacco companies to recover health costs related to the use of their products. The result was a large “master settlement” split up among those states. Some used their settlements for health-related costs, some plugged budget holes. 

Virginia and North Carolina were the only two that set aside some of the money in an endowment to help build a new economy in former tobacco-growing counties. That endowment was how the Tobacco Commission administers Virginia’s pot of money from the settlement. Most Southwest and Southside localities are eligible for money, but some are not because they did not grow much tobacco. 

That money has gone toward economic development: the commission has paid for a lot of broadband, for instance, and often puts up monetary incentives for businesses locating in those counties.

“I understand, I think, where this bill is going to go,” he said during his presentation. “Last year, it actually got a little traction, got some votes on both sides.”

tobacco commission
These are the localities (in brown and gray) covered by the Tobacco Commission. Courtesy of the commission.

Ballard offered that, if the entirety of the New River Valley Region couldn’t be added to the list of localities that receive money under the Tobacco Commission, maybe only Giles County could be included. He noted that Celanese, a corporation that makes tobacco filters, employs roughly 1,000 people in Giles County, and the decline of the market has hurt the locality. 

“Giles County would certainly benefit from the funds that are in the tobacco commission,” he said. 

Ballard acquiesced that most members, if not all, of the Tobacco Commission are reluctant to add localities to the commission, before the bill was tabled, effectively killing it, by the House Appropriations Commerce, Agriculture and Natural Resources subcommittee. This was the third year that Ballard brought the bill forward, he said. 

* * *

Fireworks displays in Burke’s Garden could become cheaper

An aerial view of Burkes Garden. Courtesy of Greg Cromer as part of his America from the Sky series.
An aerial view of Burkes Garden. Courtesy of Greg Cromer as part of his America from the Sky series.

The Senate General Laws Committee unanimously passed a bill by state Sen. Travis Hackworth, R-Tazewell County, that would exempt communities of less than 10,000 from paying certain administrative fees to the state Fire Marshal.

Hackworth said that SB 1248 was prompted by the unincorporated Tazewell County community of Burke’s Garden, which now has to pay $300 for a fireworks permit and $95 per hour for the state fire marshal’s office to inspect the fireworks. Under Hackworth’s bill, the permits and inspections would still be required, but small communities wouldn’t have to pay.

A spokesman for the state fire marshal’s office said it had no objection to Hackworth’s bill.

* * *

Stanley‘s bill to prohibit public bodies from entering into contracts with international manufacturers that use forced child labor advances

Bill Stanley
Sen. Bill Stanley, R-Franklin County. Photo by Bob Brown.

A bill by state Sen. Bill Stanley, R-Franklin County, SB 913, would prohibit public bodies from awarding contracts to acquire imported goods from a business that uses forced or indentured child labor. 

“We say, as Virginians, we’re committed to ethical sourcing of our products,” he said, in reference to the bill, in an interview before the start of the 2025 session

It was reported from committee with a substitute unanimously Wednesday, Stanley’s first success of the session. 

The Department of Planning and Budget determined that the bill is not expected to have any fiscal impact for the agency if it were passed.

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Roanoke school capacity study continues; Jefferson Center ‘less viable option’ for magnet school, director says [Cardinal News] (04:05 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

Roanoke City Public Schools has received initial findings on options for expanding capacity at its high schools. 

During a school board meeting Tuesday, Chris Perkins, the school division’s chief operations officer, said architects at RRMM had completed the first phase of the feasibility study that included visits to existing facilities and meetings with various city departments.

The division received those initial findings in mid-December and is now moving into a second phase to identify which option to recommend to the school board, which will have the final say on a method to reduce overcrowding for high school students. 

Perkins didn’t give any indication of which options may work best for the schools’ needs, but a Tuesday evening press release from the Jefferson Center claimed that using space at the performing arts center appeared to be out of consideration.

Both William Fleming and Patrick Henry high schools are over capacity, and crowding is not anticipated to decrease in the near future.

Perkins said the board would receive a full presentation on the three options that were examined at its February meeting, which is scheduled for Feb. 11.

Then, the school board and city council will meet jointly to review the expansion options. That meeting was originally scheduled for February but has been bumped back to March 3.

The three expansion options include adding on to the two existing high schools, building a new high school or opening a magnet school, either by constructing a new facility or renovating an existing site.

An arts magnet school at the Jefferson Center was one of a few options proposed by the division at a joint meeting of school board and city council members in September. A magnet high school there would focus on the arts and pull in students from across Roanoke, rather than from a particular part of the city.

At that meeting, a magnet school at the Jefferson Center seemed to be Superintendent Verletta White’s favorite option. She spoke about the significance of the Jefferson Center as a potential site for the school due in part to its history as a formerly segregated high school.

A news release emailed from the Jefferson Center on Tuesday night said that it is no longer being considered by the school division.

The email said the school division had determined that the Jefferson Center “would not be able to accommodate the student capacity required to meet the school board’s needs.”

That announcement was not based on official communication, Jefferson Center Executive Director Cyrus Pace said by phone Wednesday. Rather, it’s a prediction based on the school division’s capacity needs that were examined during the first phase of the feasibility study. 

“We believe we’re a less viable option than originally hoped,” Pace said.

The center’s release went on to say that the center continues to look to the city council for infrastructure support for the century-old facility

The city owns the center, but it’s managed by the Jefferson Center nonprofit. The center needs more than $6 million in repairs over the next five years in order to remain operational, according to a capital needs assessment.

School board chair Eli Jamison said the board had not yet discussed or decided on any recommendations and expects to hear details of all three options at its upcoming meetings.

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The housing crisis hiding in plain sight [Cardinal News] (04:00 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

The group's logo.

Last year, a renter in Roanoke asked her landlord for a change. As her mobility declined, she found she needed a walk-in shower, and she offered to pay for the cost of having one installed. Her landlord refused.

As the winter holidays approached and cold weather grips the region, this renter — a client of ours named Debra — is now facing the loss of her home. It started with the shower, but a crisis quickly grew.

I’m the executive director of Housing Opportunities Made Equal of Virginia (HOME of VA), the only statewide nonprofit fighting housing discrimination. That’s what Debra is confronting— and it’s why she can no longer count on having a safe, stable home.

Roanoke is grappling with homelessness. The Blue Ridge Continuum of Care reported a 12% increase in the city’s unhoused population this year, following a 54% increase between 2021 and 2023. The issue recurred in local campaign forums this fall. And in a recent essay for this publication, the Roanoke Regional Business Leadership Fund expressed “grave concerns about the future and viability of downtown Roanoke” if homelessness in the center city isn’t better addressed.

But housing instability isn’t only a measure of the awful reality that finds hundreds of our neighbors sleeping on city streets. Housing security stretches across a spectrum, from stable and thriving, at one end, to entirely without shelter, at the other. There are many points in between. Debra’s struggles highlight forces moving many of our neighbors toward the risky end of the range.

Most of us, as we age, will develop at least one disability. Loss of mobility along with difficulty hearing and seeing are among the most common. What you may not know is that state and federal housing laws protect renters with disabilities — including these familiar markers of aging— who seek reasonable modifications to their unit to ensure equal access. When Debra asked to replace her shower, she wasn’t looking for a favor. She was exercising her rights under multiple laws.

Debra’s landlord broke those laws when refusing to approve her request. Then, weeks later and without cause, he refused to renew her lease. Debra had lived in her apartment for years, always paying rent on time and never causing problems. The non-renewal felt like retaliation.

It also set up a new problem. Debra pays her lease with a Housing Choice Voucher — a coupon provided by the federal government and administered locally by the Roanoke Redevelopment and Housing Authority to subsidize rent for qualifying tenants. Debra suffered a brain injury in her early 20s; the impact has shaped her life. She has relied on her voucher for more than 40 years.

When the housing authority learned that Debra’s landlord would not renew her lease, they adjusted their books, halting future rent payments. But Debra was still living there. Fighting discrimination based on her disability, she remained. When her rent went unpaid on account of the housing authority’s stopped payments, the landlord threatened eviction.

At HOME of VA, we meet individuals every day whose lives are suddenly thrown into crisis because of housing discrimination. Last year alone, 45% of the discrimination complaints we received were related to disability. And because people with disabilities make up an outsized share of those living on fixed incomes, any new obstacle can spell disaster.

For Debra, as she struggled to search for housing with help from our office and two caseworkers in Roanoke, the limits of her housing voucher made opportunities few. She is permitted to seek a unit renting for no more than $1,090 per month. Could you rent a quality, safe, stable apartment in the Roanoke area at that rate for yourself or an aging parent? As Debra could tell you, it’s nearly impossible.

Roanoke’s newly elected mayor and members of city council have now taken office. The region’s delegates and senators have taken seats in Richmond as the General Assembly meets. Each has the power — the responsibility — to call for action that would make a crisis like Debra’s rare.

There is no agency in the Roanoke Valley tasked with investigating housing discrimination and enforcing fair housing laws. The city of Roanoke’s Fair Housing Board is an educational and outreach body; the Virginia Fair Housing Office, underfunded and understaffed, is the only public agency of recourse for local residents facing discrimination. HOME of VA works to fill this gap, uncovering and fighting housing discrimination statewide. But our resources are limited.

Meanwhile, paltry state funding for the Roanoke Redevelopment and Housing Authority and its counterparts across Virginia forces difficult decisions for agency staff and renters alike. Only 0.76% of Virginia’s general fund budget supports housing assistance programs. Most funds for Virginia’s housing authorities come from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, which the incoming presidential administration has targeted for deep cuts to its budget and programs. Virginia’s leaders will need to fill these gaps.

Our team stays in close touch with Debra. Recently she told us about an ideal apartment, just out of the reach of her housing voucher’s limit. “But I can do it,” she told us. “I’ve done it before.” She’s determined to secure a quality, safe and stable home — just as we all desire and deserve.

But the path for Debra and many more individuals throughout the Roanoke Valley and across Virginia is not shaped only by self-determination. Poorly enforced housing laws and insufficient funding for housing programs imperil scores of our neighbors. As our elected leaders gear up for lawmaking in the weeks ahead, they could hardly do better than to work for equal access to housing opportunities for all.

The post The housing crisis hiding in plain sight appeared first on Cardinal News.

Lynchburg City Council split on wanting to bring back city-wide youth curfew; more … [Cardinal News] (03:45 , Thursday, 16 January 2025)

the lynchburg skyline

Here are some of the top headlines from other news outlets around Virginia. Some content may be behind a metered paywall:

Politics:

Lynchburg City Council split on wanting to bring back city-wide youth curfew. — WSET-TV.

Legislation to translate K-12 assessments into multiple languages advances in Virginia. — Virginia Mercury.

GOP leaders call for ban on trans women in women’s sports. — Richmond Times-Dispatch (paywall).

Bristol finalizes vote to raise taxes on former Virginia Intermont campus. — Bristol Herald Courier (paywall).

Economy:

Norfolk airport adding JetBlue service in April. — Virginia Business (paywall).

Wawa expanding into Virginia’s Interstate 81 corridor. — WDBJ-TV.

Public safety:

Most guns ever caught during an annual period at Virginia airports in 2024. — The Roanoke Times (paywall).

Culture:

Mill Mountain trails to expand significantly with first professional build, plans show. — Roanoke Rambler (subscription).

Weather:

For more weather news, follow weather journalist Kevin Myatt on Twitter / X at @kevinmyattwx and sign up for his free weather email newsletter. His weekly column appears in Cardinal News each Wednesday afternoon.

The post Lynchburg City Council split on wanting to bring back city-wide youth curfew; more … appeared first on Cardinal News.

Wednesday, 15 January 2025

Justin Baldoni Streisand’s Accusations Against Him By Sending Legal Threat Over ‘Deadpool & Wolverine’ [Techdirt] (11:15 , Wednesday, 15 January 2025)

There have been very few times I’ve encountered something in life that feels like it was absolutely made specifically for me. The Deadpool movie series is one of those few things. For my sensibilities, they’re just about perfect. And one of my favorite aspects of the films is the fourth-wall-breaking nature of the main character. Deadpool will often look into the camera and talk to the audience in a way that acknowledges that he’s in a movie. Examples of this are legion: Deadpool referring to the X-Men house smelling like Patrick Stewart, complaints in movie about licensing restrictions preventing cool cameos by other Marvel characters, or the narration in the 2nd film’s opener about how the entire movie was in a fact a “family movie.”

The point here is that cultural references that would normally have no place in a superhero movie abound. Some of those references even revolve around lead actor Ryan Reynold’s personal life. For instance, in Deadpool & Wolverine, a multiverse version of Deadpool that is female, Ladypool, was played by Reynolds’ wife, Blake Lively. Lively recently sued a director and co-star of a film she was in, Justin Baldoni, and while Baldoni had threatened to sue her back, instead he… sued the NY Times for reporting on Lively’s accusations. Lively sued over accusations of some very gross workplace behavior, among other things, whereas Baldoni is arguing, um, that the NY Times reporting on Lively’s accusations is defamation and… fraud?

Those accusations included, for instance, Baldoni attempting to pressure Lively over her physique in the movie shortly after she had a child, sharing inappropriate content with castmembers, and talking openly about sexual topics. Baldoni, meanwhile, has been quite famous for portraying himself as a really nice guy and talking openly about how he’s a “feminist.”

What does any of this have to do with Deadpool? Well, another multiverse character that shows up is Nicepool, an unmasked, long-haired version of the titular character. And fans noticed some similarities to the details surrounding the accusations Lively has made against Baldoni.

The particular moments in Deadpool & Wolverine that echo Lively’s claims against Baldoni include Nicepool’s lines about Ladypool “snapping back” into shape after having a baby and following that up with “It’s okay, I identify as a feminist”—since Baldoni touts his status as a feminist in his podcast. A deleted scene in Deadpool & Wolverine also saw Nicepool making reference to a feminist podcast; that latter scene in particular helped the “Baldoni is Nicepool?” theory go viral.

And viral it went, indeed. Major entertainment media sources even picked this up and ran with it.

I will make no claims as to the veracity of Lively’s claims for the purposes of this post. I will say that every action Baldoni has taken since appears to be designed to keep those claims in the headlines for as long and as loud as possible. And the fact that, despite suggesting he would sue Lively directly, he hasn’t… seems telling. Also, suing the New York Times for reporting on all of this? That is a very silly gambit unlikely to end in any kind of victory for Baldoni and most certainly Streisanding the attention on the accusations against him through the proverbial roof.

But Baldoni wasn’t done there. Once the speculation about Nicepool started, he fired off a litigation hold to Disney and Marvel, once again propelling all of this back into the news.

According to Variety, Baldoni’s lawyers are using the accusation as grounds for issuing a litigation hold letter which calls on Disney and Marvel Studios to retain “documents and data” in regards to Baldoni and “Nicepool.”

The litigation letter presented by Baldoni’s team asks Marvel and Disney to preserve “any and all documents relating to the development of the ‘Nicepool’ character” in addition to “communications relating to the development, writing, and filming of storylines and scenes featuring ‘Nicepool’” and “all documents relating to or reflecting a deliberate attempt to mock, harass, ridicule, intimidate, or bully Baldoni through the character of ‘Nicepool.’”

It’s hard to see the strategy here. I suppose that perhaps there might be some utility in building towards a defamation and/or harassment case using whatever can be dug up from Disney and Marvel. But, frankly, I doubt it will be much. And the content that appears in the movie is very much going to be protected speech on First Amendment grounds, given its parody nature and the extremely veiled references it makes (if it’s even making those references at all).

Using myself as a convenient test case, I had zero idea who Baldoni was until I caught wind of this whole mess with Lively, his suit against the New York Times, and most recently this legal notice sent to Disney and Marvel. Now I don’t know that I could forget his name, his image, nor the accusations leveled against him even if I tried.

So if the impetus for all this action by Baldoni was over anger at the public nature of these accusations, well, it seems he is working against that purpose at the moment.

We’re Halfway Through The Public Domain Game Jam, And There’s Still Plenty Of Time To Get Involved [Techdirt] (06:14 , Wednesday, 15 January 2025)

We’re at the halfway point of January, and that means we’re at the halfway point of the latest edition of our public domain game jam, Gaming Like It’s 1929! As in past years, we’re celebrating the entry of new works into the public domain by calling on game designers of all stripes and levels of experience to create digital and analog games based on these now-copyright-free works from 1929.

We’ve already gotten a few interesting early entries, and we expect a lot more to come in as the deadline approaches — but for now that deadline is still more than two weeks away, and that’s still plenty of time to get started and build a game of your own.

As usual, we’ll be awarding prizes to winners in six categories. Every entry has a shot at either the Best Analog Game or Best Digital Game award, but if you don’t feel like competing for those coveted titles, you can also tighten your focus: put your art and design skills to work for the Best Visuals prize, do justice to a work you love for the Best Adaptation prize, mix and match an interesting selection of sources for the Best Remix prize, or dive deep into obscure and unexpected sources for the Best Deep Cut prize. Some of the most intriguing and surprising games from past jams were squarely aimed at these special categories!

If you want to get involved, head on over to the game jam page on Itch to read the full rules and sign up — then start designing! And for those who are already hard at work, we’re excited to see what you’re cooking up. The jam runs through the end of January, and then we’ll be testing out all the entries to select our winners. Thanks to everyone who’s getting involved and showing why a robust and growing public domain matters.

Why The Weak Nuclear Force Is Short Range [inks] (05:22 , Wednesday, 15 January 2025)

The “range” of a force is a measure of the distance across which it can easily be effective. Some forces, including electric and magnetic forces and gravity, are long-range, able to cause dramatic effects that can reach across rooms, planets, and even galaxies. Short-range forces tail off sharply, and are able to make a significant impact only at distances shorter than their “range”. The weak nuclear force, for instance, dies off at distances ten million times smaller than an atom! That makes its effects on atoms rather slow and rare, which is why it is called “weak”.

Celebrated Lawyer ‘Fires’ Meta As A Client Over Zuck’s ‘Neo-Nazi Madness’ [Techdirt] (04:08 , Wednesday, 15 January 2025)

Mark Lemley is one of, if not the biggest names in IP law. So when Lemley makes a move, it’s worth paying attention. And that’s exactly what happened this week when he announced that he has “fired Meta as a client.”

There are various lists that come out from time to time about the “most cited” law professors, and on recent lists Lemley is always highly ranked. On IP law/Cyberlaw in particular, he’s almost always at the top. Here’s a list from 2013-2017 that shows him not just as the most cited cyberlaw professor, but with the number of citations to his works that is more than double the second person on the list (Lemley’s 2200 citations to Robert Merges’ 920).

Even outside of cyberlaw, he is near the top of the list. UChicago’s big “most cited legal scholars of all time” list has him at number eight, and given that some of the names ahead of him are dead and that list is from three years ago (and he keeps publishing, which I know because I have a bunch of his papers that I have open in tabs that I intended to write about but haven’t yet gotten to…), he’s likely even higher on that list.

No matter how you count it, Lemley is in the Michael Jordan/LeBron James realm of legal scholars, widely recognized as one of the greatest.

Anyway, beyond being an incredibly insightful and prolific legal scholar, he has also been a practicing lawyer for many years as well, working on a number of high-profile cases.

And earlier this week, he announced that he has “fired Meta as a client.” Lemley was representing Meta in the Kadrey v. Meta lawsuit regarding Meta’s use of books in training its AI. And, as the docket shows, on Monday, he withdrew as an attorney for Meta:

As Lemley noted on various social media profiles, he cannot stomach what he sees as Zuckerberg’s embrace of nonsense and this is how he is responding to “Mark Zuckerberg and Facebook’s descent into toxic masculinity and Neo-Nazi madness.”

I know that some people will get all huffy about this (you know who you are, commenters), but this is a principled stand. And it’s also one that could have a real impact on Meta, given Lemley’s knowledge, legal skills, and respect in the legal community.

Go 1.24 interactive tour [inks] (04:07 , Wednesday, 15 January 2025)

Go 1.24 is scheduled for release in February, so it’s a good time to explore what’s new. The official release notes are pretty dry, so I prepared an interactive version with lots of examples showing what has changed and what the new behavior is.

Justified Text: Better Than Expected? [inks] (04:06 , Wednesday, 15 January 2025)

I was pleasantly surprised by the results in Chromium browsers at medium and large container widths. Hyphenation seems conservative and readable, yet there are no unsightly gaps or “rivers” between words. Safari and Firefox hyphenate a bit more frequently, but not distractingly so.

There’s more winter where this came from [Cardinal News] (04:00 , Wednesday, 15 January 2025)

Snow fills the air and collects on the ground in Danville on Friday night, Jan. 10. With 3 inches, it was Danville's largest snowfall in almost three years. Courtesy of Brady Walker.

Winter, largely missing for Virginians in the last two winters, has been found. And there is more to come.

The coldest part very likely hasn’t happened yet, and the snowiest probably hasn’t, either.

There are strong indications that Arctic air will resurge after a brief late week and early weekend mini-thaw and hang on for at least another full week, perhaps even longer with additional surges, as a rumored milder pattern flip seems to always get kicked farther down the road.

There is no doubting this winter’s cold bona fides. The first dozen days of January rank between 11th and 16th for the coldest start to January, based on average temperature over the first 12 days, in over a century of weather records at Blacksburg, Danville, Lynchburg and Roanoke. At each site, and likely regionwide, it is the coldest start to January since either 2018 or 2010, depending on location. The first half of the meteorological winter as a whole, going back to Dec. 1, ranks among the top third for coldest on record at those sites.

The Cascades waterfall in Giles County, a popular hiking attraction, are frozen solid after several days of cold temperatures. Courtesy of Steve Keighton.
The Cascades waterfall in Giles County, a popular hiking attraction, is frozen solid after several days of cold temperatures. Courtesy of Steve Keighton.

But for those judging winter strictly by snowfall, this winter still has some distance to make up to even be in the discussion among the higher echelon of winters.

While the Jan. 5-6 and Jan. 10-11 winter storms have broken long streaks without significant snow in much of Southside dating back to 2022, only a few locations across Cardinal News’ Southwest and Southside Virginia coverage area have seen more than 4 inches of snow in any single storm, so far.

The first winter storm tilted more to freezing rain and sleet after some early snow, a few spots north of U.S. 460 topping 4 inches before the skating rink developed. The second was a light to moderate snow of 1-4 inches over most of our region, with a few 5-7 amounts in Southwest Virginia west of Interstate 77 and the counties nearest the North Carolina line.

We have not yet had a widespread snow this winter in which most locations in our region got more than 4 inches. That hasn’t happened since January 16, 2022, though many in Southwest Virginia west of I-77 and along the Blue Ridge south of Roanoke topped 4 inches a year ago today on Jan. 15, 2024.

There is of course lots of time for this change, and perhaps, some windows ahead when a bigger snow could happen.

We’ve seen some sunny 40s this week to melt away a good amount of ice and snow in open or south-facing areas in lower and middle elevations. Those of us living on north-facing wooded hillsides, and many folks in higher elevations, have lost very little of our glacier since the first winter storm nine days ago.

Birds find seed amid a snow scene in Highland County earlier this month. Courtesy of Rain Hupman.
Birds find seed amid a snow scene in Highland County earlier this month. Courtesy of Rain Hupman.

On Saturday, much of our region may see some rain with temperatures above freezing — but even this may be tinged by some mixed precipitation at the outset, especially west of the Blue Ridge. Cold air masses are stubborn and, especially with so much snow cover in our higher elevations, scattered in our lower ones and even thicker just to our north and northwest, they tend to bank against the mountains. Don’t be surprised to see some fat flakes, bouncy sleet, or a brief glaze in some areas Saturday morning before it warms above freezing and rains.

And that relatively “mild” rain with temperature in the upper 30s to mid 40s is actually the harbinger of another blast of frigid air, perhaps the coldest one yet, pouring down next week. Just a little bit of warmth and moisture is being lifted ahead of that mass of cold air originating in Siberia. Temperatures may dip into the single-digits on a much wider basis than we’ve seen across our region toward the middle or latter part of next week.

What might at least briefly delay the deepest cold could be, ironically, snow-producing systems. Both Sunday and around Tuesday or Wednesday of next week have some potential to bring widespread snow across much or all of our region.

The mid-week system has the best potential yet to be a larger regionwide snowfall, based on the overall jet stream pattern, but looking at it from almost a week out, it could also be suppressed south of us or out of existence entirely by the mass of Arctic air pressed southward.

Too cold to snow? Maybe.

We will revisit snow chances in days ahead if/when they develop.

For now, let’s take a deeper dive into why it is so cold.

Deep blue colors over much of the central and eastern U.S. indicate high likelihood for below normal temperatures next week, while the deep red over the inset image of Alaska indicates strong likelihood of above-normal temperatures. Courtesy of Climate Prediction Center, NOAA.
Deep blue colors over much of the central and eastern U.S. indicate high likelihood for below normal temperatures next week, while the deep red over the inset image of Alaska indicates strong likelihood of above-normal temperatures. Courtesy of Climate Prediction Center, NOAA.

Baked Alaska, frozen Virginia

Through Monday, Anchorage, Alaska, had high temperatures above 40 degrees for eight of the last nine days, with low temperatures above the freezing mark of 32 on two of them and no lower than 30 on five of them.

Fairbanks, Alaska, soared to 47 degrees on Sunday, a record high for Jan. 12, some 46 degrees above its normal high temperature of 1 degree. This relatively balmy midwinter day on the tundra came with not quite 6 hours of low-slanted sunlight.

We need go no further than these statistics to largely explain why it so cold in eastern North America this particular January. Strong high pressure bringing record warmth to Alaska has dislodged Arctic air that would typically be setting up shop over Alaska and northwest Canada, pressing it eastward and southward.

This Alaska/western North America high-pressure system has proven to be a punching dummy, repeatedly bouncing back up when it appeared low-pressure systems and westerly flow would perhaps knock it down or at least sufficiently erode it.

A glowing red sunrise opened Friday, Jan. 10, as mid-level clouds streaked ahead of a low-pressure system that produced widespread snow over Southwest and Southside Virginia. This image was in southwest Roanoke County. Several people around the region posted similar photos on social media with the saying: "Red sky in morning, sailors take warning." Courtesy of Todd Vance.
A glowing red sunrise opened Friday, Jan. 10, as mid-level clouds streaked ahead of a low-pressure system that produced widespread snow over Southwest and Southside Virginia. This image was in southwest Roanoke County. Several people around the region posted similar photos on social media with the saying: “Red sky in morning, sailors take warning.” Courtesy of Todd Vance.

In previous mild winters in our backyard, low-pressure has dominated over Alaska, and deep Arctic air has pooled over the Last Frontier. Last January, Fairbanks dipped as low as -45 at night and never got above 6 degrees in the day. Forecast model rumors of a high over Alaska in late February that would force a good deal of Arctic air southward toward us flopped.

Strong high pressure has also been present over the North Pole and over Greenland, representing the negative phases of the Arctic Oscillation and North Atlantic Oscillation, respectively.

These placements of broad high pressure in the northern latitudes have become more or less stuck since early January. That, in a nutshell, is why it’s so cold.

La Niña, the irregularly recurring cooling of a strip of equatorial Pacific sea surface temperatures linked to climate patterns around the world, has finally emerged, and its occurrence is loosely linked to milder, drier winter weather patterns for our region, often but not always. We have had some rather cold and snowy winters in weaker incarnations of La Niña, as this one is so far, and almost all La Niña winters have had notable Arctic outbreaks for at least short periods.

Still, long-range forecast models keep wanting to impose something resembling a canonical La Niña pattern on our weather three or four weeks out. Then, when three or four weeks pass, it’s three or four weeks further out.

Especially cold winter patterns like we are experiencing tend to be stubborn and hard to dislodge, often recurring again for short spells even if they are finally loosened. Built-up snowpack in states north of us tends to hold in surface cold air when it would typically erode — this may be a factor for wintry mix early Saturday in what would typically be an entirely rain event.

Before we leave the big picture, it is important to note that the same pattern driving our persistent chill was also a primary instigator of the hot, dry east winds blowing off the desert that fanned the Los Angeles area’s wildfires.

Alaska warmth, Eastern U.S. chill and Southern California wildfires are all linked. Changing global climate likely plays a factor in the intensity of all three, but the connection between those extremes has been long known. It is not really unprecedented that a winter day is warmer in Fairbanks than in Lynchburg, but actually an expectation of the atmospheric pattern we have been having.

A flock of ring-billed gulls finds a place to perch without sinking on newly formed ice in the Dan River at Danville earlier this week. Courtesy of Brady Walker.
A flock of ring-billed gulls finds a place to perch without sinking on newly formed ice in the Dan River at Danville earlier this week. Courtesy of Brady Walker.

First Southside snow in years

South Boston got 3 inches of snow on Friday night and Saturday morning, as measured at 7 a.m. on Jan. 11 at the cooperative weather station.

That was the first time the Halifax County town got any snow of even a tenth of an inch in 1,085 days, when 0.2 inch fell on Jan. 28, 2022. South Boston missed out on accumulation in both the March 12, 2023, snow that put a dusting on many places across our region that had missed snow all winter and also on the Jan. 15 snow a year ago that dumped at least an inch or 2 everywhere across our region except Southside.

It was the first time in 1,091 days since an inch of snow had fallen (Jan. 22, 2022), first time in 1,109 days since 2 inches had fallen (Jan. 4, 2022), and the first time in 2,224 days since at least 3 inches had fallen (Dec. 10, 2022 — the last foot of 15 inches). South Boston’s records only go back to 1971, but those are all the longest streaks of their kind in a little more than a half-century.

Danville and Martinsville have also recently snapped out of long streaks going back to March 12, 2023, for any measurable snow and to January 2022 for at least an inch.

While most locations are running ahead of seasonal snowfall totals for any winter since 2021-22 or even 2018-19, that’s not true at every location.

Roanoke, which has seen heavier snows pass north and south in the two winter storms so far, actually had more total snow through Jan. 15 last year, 4 inches, than it has so far this winter, 3 inches.

Roanoke ended last winter with 4.3 inches. While odds are strong this winter will top that number in the Star City, it is not known yet if amounts will pile up there and everywhere across our region to make this a truly memorable winter for snow.

The 2024-25 winter seems destined to be considered a “hard winter,” but it remains to be seen if it will be considered a snowy one.

The post There’s more winter where this came from appeared first on Cardinal News.

RIP Power Player [Tedium] (11:30 , Wednesday, 15 January 2025)

RIP Power Player

Last year, I had the chance to write a piece about one of the more niche incidents in video game culture—the tale of how a snarky pop-culture writer resurfaced a photo of a video game fan who enjoyed plumbing that published in Nintendo Power in 1989.

The guy, named Mark Discordia, was a plumber who spent his free time playing video games, and was quite good at it, based on the results and scores he shared with the magazine. The editors honored him by putting him in the Video Spotlight.

Nearly a decade later, the pop-culture writer Seanbaby made him a laughingstock, and he handled it in … um, not the best way. So, for a quarter-century, when you looked up results on Google for Mark Discordia, you caught a whiff of second-hand embarrassment for the man.

Sponsored By Piroska Rákóczi

Better AI, better search results? I’m trying to figure out if using AI can generate stronger search results. I’ve created a tiny app to test this theory. Try it out and see if it works.

That’s until recently, when the search results included a couple of new entries—obituaries for Discordia, who died in October, but the internet only got wind of his passing this week. (Thanks to Tedium contributor David Buck, who pointed it out to me.)

I wrote about Mark a mere eight months before he died, and tried to reach him for that piece, though I didn’t have much luck. (I’m sure he was keeping his head down considering he often comes up in video game memes. Or maybe he just had better shit to do.)

It’s worth noting that Discordia was not lying about his gaming prowess: He was mentioned in issues of Electronic Gaming Monthly, the magazine Seanbaby would go on to write for, multiple times for his high scores in the games Monster Lair and Side Arms—the former of which appeared in a Twin Galaxies record book a few years later.

Discordia EGM
A Mark Discordia magazine nod you’ve probably never seen before. (Electronic Gaming Monthly/Internet Archive)

He also shared a featured tip in a 1994 issue of EGM.

He even appears to have moonlighted as a game journalist, with a column under his name appearing in an issue of Beyond Gaming: The Ultimate Game Club’s Official Video Game Magazine, the official magazine of a mail-order game-buying service that specialized in Japanese imports. In the issue, he wrote of his excitement for the then-upcoming Super NES:

Hi there, game fans! Well, it’s finally here!!! The LONG awaited release of the American Super NES. This is the one system to own because of the enhanced graphics, beautiful stereo sound reproduction and, most of all, the awesome games that will be made available. It is undoubtedly the best value for your dollar in the video game market. You can’t go wrong with over twenty titles set for simultaneous release with the system. A few of these hot titles are: Actraiser, Castlevania 4, Caveman Ninja, Super Ghouls & Ghosts, Super Adventure Island, Super R-Type, Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles 3 and, of course, Super Mario 4. The Super NES is enjoying huge success in Japan, thanks in part to strong third party software support. Past experience has shown that what's hot over there really cooks here in the states. What that means for us gamers is an awesome, never ending variety of games and peripherals for this Super-System.

(And he was not just a pure Nintendo fan—the column also discussed his interest in the Neo Geo and Mega Drive. He was clearly a sophisticated gamer, the kind that would buy a Neo Geo or 3DO on release day, at a time when that was uncommon.)

On Reddit, a former friend of Mark’s described him as “super competitive with gaming,” and someone who would purchase imports of upcoming games before they would hit the U.S. market. (He was also reportedly bad with computers.) He was a guy with real interests and a job that let him afford them, and one of those interests just happened to be video games.

At the time Seanbaby wrote his rant about him, he had moved onto Usenet, where he was selling basses on the side of his primary role as a master plumber and HVAC specialist. Apparently, he once sold a bass for $5,000, and knew a lot about the instruments, according to the guy who bought it from him.

(Let me just note the sheer chance at play here: It’s easy to find information about Mark on the internet because his name is so distinct. If his name was Mark Jones, I’d have no chance.)

Seanbaby’s critique of Discordia, based on a letter he sent to a Nintendo magazine, didn’t capture his full picture. How could it? It was basing a guy’s entire life on 200 words and a photograph.

Mark Discordia Nintendo Power
The letter that started this whole mess. (Nintendo Power)

I would like you all to know that I am writing this while wearing a Mario shirt. I didn’t make it myself (I bought it from Woot), but I wear it in the same spirit. I wear it in his honor.

Like Discordia was, I am a middle-aged man who likes his Mario. There’s nothing wrong with that—and there never was.

Rest in peace, Mark Discordia. Know that you didn’t deserve the internet slaying you got.

Non-Gamer Links

The internet collectively has the best sense of humor about the likely TikTok ban. When threatened with a ban of the popular social network over perceived Chinese ties, they made RedNote, an actual app intended for the Chinese market, hugely popular in the U.S. Maybe we shouldn’t ban apps over vibes?

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U22zM_tr-CU

The wildfires have been gut-wrenching to watch from a distance, and I’m struggling to parse them even as a distant observer. I can’t even think about what it’s like to deal with it up-close, as Kyle Hansen of the YouTube channel Bitwit has. Like many others in his neighborhood, he lost his home. This video is tough to watch, but I guess a silver lining in this situation is that his diploma somehow survived intact.

Bluesky has an anti-billionaire campaign being launched, called Free Our Feeds. Not sure if it will work, but there’s always hope. On a related note, I recommend this Cory Doctorow piece about not forcing people to leave platforms they use. (Doctorow, who has expressed skepticism of Bluesky, is a signatory to the Free Our Feeds campaign.)

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Find this one an interesting read? Share it with a pal! And back at it in a couple of days.


One Shot Story of a Bird From a Car [35mmc] (11:00 , Wednesday, 15 January 2025)

If I was true to my hillbilly roots I would pull out a gun and shoot this fucking bird. But I’m not so I won’t. I abandoned those years ago for city life, a German automobile, and indoor plumbing. I also don’t own a gun… well… I own an air rifle, but that’s for critter,...

The post One Shot Story of a Bird From a Car appeared first on 35mmc.

Race Face Launches 160mm Era and Turbine Cranks [BIKEPACKING.com] (10:23 , Wednesday, 15 January 2025)

race face 160mm cranksShort cranks are officially in! Race Face is the latest component brand to offer short cranks to improve bike fit and reduce pedal strikes. Learn about the new 160mm Race Face Era and Turbine Cranks here...

The post Race Face Launches 160mm Era and Turbine Cranks appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Revel Rascal Review [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:41 , Wednesday, 15 January 2025)

Revel Rascal ReviewDoes its unique five-pivot (!?) suspension design make the Revel Rascal a more versatile trail bike than most others in its class and a better climber than many XC-oriented bikes? Neil shares his thoughts on the latest version in his full review here...

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Rockgeist Hurricane Helene Relief Shirt + Shop Update [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:24 , Wednesday, 15 January 2025)

rockgeist helene shirt fundraiserDesigned and screen printed in Asheville, North Carolina, the Hurricane Helene Relief Shirt is a fundraiser to help get Rockgeist back to making bags. Pre-order yours and learn how Rockgeist is doing in the wake of one of the most devastating storms to hit the region here...

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Dale Mines and the Golden Jackrabbit Route (Video) [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:06 , Wednesday, 15 January 2025)

dales mine golden jackrabbitPart of the new Golden Jackrabbit Route, the Dale Mines District is an area outside Wonder Valley and Joshua Tree National Park. Errin Vasquez's latest video shares a bit of what you can expect from the route. Watch it here...

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Debt of Disrepair: An Ode to Maintenance [BIKEPACKING.com] (07:16 , Wednesday, 15 January 2025)

Pass and Stow RacksRoutine maintenance is an essential part of owning just about anything, but it’s one we often overlook. In this piece, Lucas explores the topic of caring for your things and provides some key points for contemplating the value of upkeep and repair. Whether you’re an absolute beginner or can wrench on bikes in your sleep, dive in here…

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The Analog Side of the Biggest Photography Fair in Austria [35mmc] (05:00 , Wednesday, 15 January 2025)

In recent years I have written articles about this event (Photo + Adventure). These articles were always about newest and brightest in the photography industry. What tiny camera spec has changed, what camera could shoot more fps and what autofocus has new tricks up its sleeve. But this year should be different. I was not...

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Bipartisan legislative effort seeks to regulate data center construction in Virginia [Cardinal News] (04:45 , Wednesday, 15 January 2025)

Snow lines both sides of the road leading into Google's Mango Farms data center, under construction in Prince William County, Virginia. Construction workers and equipment stand outside, with a blue sky and trees in the background.

Read more about the bills mentioned in this story — or any other legislation in the 2025 General Assembly session — at https://lis.virginia.gov/.

The growth of data centers in Virginia has gone largely unchecked for years, leading to public concerns about energy and water consumption, land use and location, among other issues.

A bipartisan group of state legislators on Tuesday discussed a set of bills that approach data center proliferation from multiple angles. 

Sen. Russet Perry, D-Loudoun County, and Sen. Danica Roem, D-Manassas, joined five House members — Del. Michael Webert, R-Fauquier County; Del. Michelle Maldonado, D-Manassas; Del. Shelly Simonds, D-Newport News; Del. Josh Thomas, D-Prince William County; and Del. Rip Sullivan Jr., D-Fairfax County — in a Richmond news conference to discuss their legislation.

It rests on what the lawmakers called “four pillars”: protecting families and businesses who live near data centers, enhancing the companies’ transparency, managing resources responsibly and providing incentives for energy efficiency. 

A headshot of Virginia Sen. Russet Perry, D-Loudoun County
Sen. Russet Perry, D-Loudoun County.

“These are the essential steps to ensuring that data center growth aligns with Virginia’s long-term interests,” Perry said in remarks at the Virginia Assembly Building. “Each of these measures can stand alone, but together, they represent a comprehensive framework to ensure economic development while also safeguarding our natural resources and ensuring fairness for all Virginians.”

The bills’ fates are not clear, should they get to Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s desk. Youngkin, in his State of the Commonwealth Address on Monday, said that control over data centers should rest with individual localities. 

He said that data centers support 74,000 jobs, account for $9.1 billion of the state’s gross domestic product and generate billions of dollars for education, public safety and other local services.

“We should continue to be the data center capital of the world and make sure Richmond is doing what is necessary to support that goal,” Youngkin said in the address. “Different communities will make different decisions on data centers, but these must be their decisions. And Richmond should not stop them from capitalizing on these incredible economic opportunities.”  

Youngkin spokesman Christian Martinez said via email after the news conference that the governor will review any legislation that comes to his desk.

Data centers are large, warehouse-like buildings that house computers and networking equipment used to store, back up, process and share digital information. They are more prevalent in Northern Virginia, specifically Loudoun County and Prince William County, than anywhere else in the world.

In recent years, developers have sought to place them outside that region. Mecklenburg County is already home to a Microsoft data center campus. Pittsylvania County officials have approved one for Ringgold, with a second one proposed for another area of the county. Both of those projects have been subject to zoning considerations. 

The Appomattox County Economic Development Authority recently signed a contract with a developer that plans to build one in that county’s industrial park, which was already zoned for data centers.

Some legislators and citizens say that energy consumption, the need for water to cool the data servers, land use and location are among the problems that the proliferation of data centers presents.

Bills filed this session address issues including zoning, water use, energy costs and clean energy investments, siting and noise abatement.

Not everyone who sponsored a bill was present for the news conference on a busy legislative day. The following are among the bills introduced this session.

A giant Dominion Energy substation stands in front of a snowy ground, with the sun shining through a partly cloudy sky in the background. This substation powers data centers in Loudoun County.
This Dominion Energy substation powers data centers in Loudoun County. Photo by Grace Mamon.

Managing demand for water and electricity

  • Sen. Richard Stuart, R-King George, carried SB 899, addressing water use estimates. It would allow zoning ordinances to require data center developers to submit estimates of their water use, and authorize localities to consider water use in rezoning and special use permit requests from developers.
  • Stuart’s SB 1243 addresses electric utilities. It would protect other customers from the cost of any construction or extension that serves a data center.
A headshot of Virginia Sen. Danica Roem, D-Manassas
Sen. Danica Roem, D-Manassas.
  • Roem sponsored SB 1047. It would require entities with an annual energy demand of at least 25 megawatts to work with large electric utilities to conserve or shift electricity use in response to demands on the power grid. The State Corporation Commission would approve the so-called demand response programs by the beginning of next year. 
  • Perry’s SB 960 would direct the SCC to determine this year if electric utility customers who are not classified as data centers are unreasonably subsidizing data centers’ costs. The commission would then make rules to “eliminate or minimize” such subsidies.
  • Maldonado’s HB 2101 is a companion to Perry’s bill.
Headshot of Virginia Del. Josh Thomas, D-Prince William County
Del. Josh Thomas, D-Prince William County.
  • Thomas carried a bill that involves the SCC, as well. His HB 2027 proposes that developers who plan facilities that would use at least 25 megawatts obtain a certificate of operation from the commission. The certificate would hinge on such factors as whether there is sufficient electric infrastructure. It would include a public hearing.
  • Del. Keith Hodges, R-Middlesex County, sponsored HB 2377, which focuses on data center water usage within localities’ comprehensive plans. It would require prioritizing and evaluating alternative methods of cooling — including air cooling, geothermal cooling or other technology that minimizes water usage. Such methods should be “thoroughly considered” before data centers or other uses that require water for cooling are approved.
  • Simonds introduced HB 2035 to establish a statewide clearinghouse related to water and energy usage. Data center developers would have to submit such information to the Department of Environmental Quality by May 1, 2026, and quarterly after that, and the DEQ would have to build out a publicly accessible website to house the information. Data centers or other “high energy facilities” would pay an annual fee to cover the online clearinghouse’s costs.

Setting limits on locations

  • Roem introduced SB 1045 to require data centers on or after July 1 to be on property that local ordinances classify for industrial use. Her SB 1046 focuses on noise abatement requirements and would require two neighborhood meetings. 
  • Thomas introduced several other bills, including HB 1601, which would require a site assessment before approving a new data center. Such assessments would examine what effect the noise would have on homes and schools within 500 feet of the proposed facility, as well as its effect on nearby water, agricultural resources, parks, historic sites or forestland. 
  • His HB 2026 would require localities to review and amend existing data-center zoning laws to designate them as industrial uses for zoning purposes and adjust maps to mitigate impacts of noise and other factors on nearby residences.
  • Del. Ian Lovejoy, R-Manassas, introduced HB 1984, meant to keep data center campuses at least a quarter-mile from parks, schools or residential zones.

Addressing tax issues

Sen. Creigh Deeds, D-Charlottesville. Photo by Bob Brown.

Two bills — one from Sullivan, the other from Sen. Creigh Deeds, D-Charlottesville — address the sales and use tax exemption the state offers for qualifying computer equipment that data centers buy.

  • Deeds’ SB 1196 would require operators to show that their facilities meet energy efficiency standards and that they will commit to carbon-free or other non-carbon emitting renewable sources for 90% of their electricity requirements by 2028.
  • Sullivan sponsored HB 2578. That bill would require operators to buy “a certain percentage” of their annual electric load from clean resources by July 2030, among other measures, to continue qualifying for the sales tax relief. 

Advocates and opponents respond

The Data Center Coalition is the primary group representing the industry in Richmond. It released a written statement after the news conference, responding to some of the legislation. It cited a recent study by the state’s Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission, saying it “fundamentally validates Virginia’s leadership in attracting and nurturing the data center industry over the past 15 years and the extraordinary contributions the industry makes to Virginia’s economy and local communities.”

The coalition is reviewing the legislative proposals, “some of which reflect JLARC’s recommendations and findings,” Josh Levi, the coalition’s president, wrote in the statement. “We look forward to engaging with legislators during the 2025 session to ensure continued responsible growth of this essential industry.”

Bill Wright, an activist in Prince William County, said he is not against data centers, but he would like to see them be more transparent with what they are doing and would like the General Assembly to make sure they are located responsibly.

He said he doesn’t trust local governments to hold developers to account. He lives next to the Prince William Digital Gateway, which the county approved to house what news accounts describe as up to 37 data centers. 

“I think what’s being proposed by most of the legislation is not stopping things in their tracks, but insisting on things like disclosure, transparency, prudent guardrails,” Wright said. “The Prince William Digital Gateway … is sandwiched between Manassas National Battlefield Park, Conway Robinson State Forest and my neighborhood, which is a large retirement community. 

“That is the absolute worst place you could imagine. To site a data center, I think the only thing we left out is a children’s hospital. But the local community shoves it through anyway, and they waive all kinds of prudent land-use planning simply because they’re intoxicated by the tax revenue.”

_________________

Correction 9:55 a.m. Jan. 15: Gov. Glenn Youngkin said that data centers account for $9.1 billion of the state’s gross domestic product. The dollar amount was incorrect in an earlier version of this story.

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Tuesday, 14 January 2025

If You Could Only Do One Route in Florida, It Should Be The Huracan! (Video) [BIKEPACKING.com] (10:53 , Tuesday, 14 January 2025)

Florida Cycling Huracan VideoIn their latest short video, the Florida Cycling Channel discuss why the Huracan should be the top choice for anyone looking to experience Florida by bike. Watch it and learn more about the upcoming event here...

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The New Big Agnes Hyperbead Fabric is PFAS-Free and Waterproof [BIKEPACKING.com] (10:11 , Tuesday, 14 January 2025)

big agnes hyperbeadJust released, Big Agnes Hyperbead is a new fabric technology that eliminates the need for harmful chemicals but improves waterproofness and sheds weight. Learn more about Hyperbead and the Big Agnes tents are available with it here...

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an autoflusher [flak] (10:06 , Tuesday, 14 January 2025)

What if we want a grep that doesn’t stuck but we don’t want to resort to wild hacks like editing the source? What if there was some way to flush stdout automatically?

The auto flusher is a very simple preload.

#include <stdio.h>
#include <unistd.h>
#include <pthread.h>

static void *
flusher(void *arg)
{
        while (1) {
                sleep(3);
                fflush(stdout);
        }
}

__attribute__((constructor))
void
herewego(void)
{
        pthread_t thread;

        pthread_create(&thread, NULL, flusher, NULL);
}

Magic constructor attribute for initializers in C, and then we create a thread which loops around occasionally flushing stdout, so if there’s any data left lingering, it will eventually find it’s way out instead of waiting forever.

$ cc -shared -lpthread -o libflusher.so flusher.c
$ env LD_PRELOAD=./libflusher.so grep ...

Virtual Tour Divide Race Recap with Meaghan Hackinen [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:43 , Tuesday, 14 January 2025)

Meaghan Hackinen 2024 Tour Divide Womens WinnerNewly minted Salsa Cycles rider and 2024 women's Tour Divide winner Meaghan Hackinen is hosting a virtual Tour Divide race recap tomorrow, with all donations used to support her 2025 race season. Learn more about the event and get your tickets here...

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Stinner Refugio Select: US-Made and Ready to Roll [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:01 , Tuesday, 14 January 2025)

Stinner Refugio SelectExpanding their US-made production bike lineup that debuted in November, the new Stinner Refugio Select is a steel gravel bike with room for 700 x 50mm tires, comfortable all-day geometry, and complete builds that start at under $4,000. Meet the Stinner Refugio here...

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New OneUp Clip Pedals are Super Thin and Light [BIKEPACKING.com] (08:58 , Tuesday, 14 January 2025)

OneUp Clip PedalsJust announced, the new OneUp Clip Pedals claim to be the thinnest mountain bike clip pedals in the world, and they come in eight colors. Learn more here...

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Now shipping: Corkscrew Climb semi-slicks [Rene Herse Cycles] (08:23 , Tuesday, 14 January 2025)

The new Corkscrew Climb semi-slick tires are now shipping. First priority went to our racers who’ve been testing and racing on prototypes for months now. Above is the Stars-and-Stripes bike of the current USA Gravel National Champion, Brennan Wertz.

Jenna Rinehart (above) and Ted King (below) rode their prototypes at the UCI Gravel World Championships in Flanders last autumn. (Brennan was there, too; he rode Snoqualmie Pass slicks.) For a small company like us, having that many riders on the U.S. team choose Rene Herse tires is a big deal. It gives us confidence that our tires perform well—not only in our testing, but also at the highest levels of competition.

Production of the new Corkscrew Climb tires is now in full swing. Between our racers and customers who pre-ordered their tires, more than half of the first shipment is already spoken for. That means stocks are a bit limited for now, and orders will be filled on a first-come-first-serve basis. More Corkscrew Climb tires are in production and will arrive this spring.

More information:

Budget Bikepacking Build-Off: Logan’s 1988 Schwinn High Sierra [BIKEPACKING.com] (07:22 , Tuesday, 14 January 2025)

1988 Schwinn High Sierra, Budget Bikepacking Build-Off Logan WattsFor his Budget Bikepacking Build-Off, Logan takes a black chrome 1988 Schwinn High Sierra, decks it out with DIY racks and bags, and loads it up with a kit that includes a self-made camp kitchen with a DIY spork. Find a detailed write-up on his sub-$500 kit, complete with details and a full gallery of photos from a shakedown overnighter here…

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A Fujifilm Professional GA645i and Ilford Pan F [35mmc] (05:00 , Tuesday, 14 January 2025)

I’ve never written a 5 frames article before, usually because I can’t decide on which 5 frames I’d like to include, I’ve attempted it several times but it always ends in defeat as I simply can’t decide on which ones to include and which poor ones to neglect and be cruel to! I had actually...

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Monday, 13 January 2025

Why is my CPU usage always 100%? [inks] (05:14 , Monday, 13 January 2025)

That’s really weird! Why would top be using all of my CPU? It says 100% usr in the second line. Sometimes the usage showed up as 50% usr and 50% sys. Other times it would show up as 100% sys. And very rarely, it would show 100% idle. In that rare case, top would actually show up with 0% usage as I would expect. The 2.6.28 kernel did not have this problem, so it was something different about my newer kernel.

It's time to abandon the cargo cult metaphor [inks] (02:14 , Monday, 13 January 2025)

The cargo cult metaphor is commonly used by programmers. This metaphor was popularized by Richard Feynman’s “cargo cult science” talk with a vivid description of South Seas cargo cults. However, this metaphor has three major problems. First, the pop-culture depiction of cargo cults is inaccurate and fictionalized, as I’ll show. Second, the metaphor is overused and has contradictory meanings making it a lazy insult. Finally, cargo cults are portrayed as an amusing story of native misunderstanding but the background is much darker: cargo cults are a reaction to decades of oppression of Melanesian islanders and the destruction of their culture. For these reasons, the cargo cult metaphor is best avoided.

I doubt anyone is going to avoid anything, but the history is very interesting.

The history and use of /etc/glob in early Unixes [inks] (01:57 , Monday, 13 January 2025)

One of the innovations that the V7 Bourne shell introduced was built in shell wildcard globbing, which is to say expanding things like *, ?, and so on. Of course Unix had shell wildcards well before V7, but in V6 and earlier, the shell didn’t implement globbing itself; instead this was delegated to an external program, /etc/glob (this affects things like looking into the history of Unix shell wildcards, because you have to know to look at the glob source, not the shell).

US splits world into three tiers for AI chip access [Biz & IT – Ars Technica] (11:18 , Monday, 13 January 2025)

On Monday, the US government announced a new round of regulations on global AI chip exports, dividing the world into roughly three tiers of access. The rules create quotas for about 120 countries and allow unrestricted access for 18 close US allies while maintaining existing bans on China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea.

AI-accelerating GPU chips, like those manufactured by Nvidia, currently serve as the backbone for a wide variety of AI model deployments, such as chatbots like ChatGPT, AI video generators, self-driving cars, weapons targeting systems, and much more. The Biden administration fears that those chips could be used to undermine US national security.

According to the White House, "In the wrong hands, powerful AI systems have the potential to exacerbate significant national security risks, including by enabling the development of weapons of mass destruction, supporting powerful offensive cyber operations, and aiding human rights abuses."

Read full article

Comments

Weekend Snapshot [BIKEPACKING.com] (11:12 , Monday, 13 January 2025)

Weekend SnapshotToday's Weekend Snapshot highlights a dizzying blend of scenes submitted by a few of our readers around the world. Find a look at their rides around Spain, Australia, and New Jersey here, and if you haven't done so already, we invite you to share a photo from one of your recent getaways...

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Exploring Analogue Photography in Bad Tölz: A Walk with the Rollei 35 S [35mmc] (11:00 , Monday, 13 January 2025)

Nestled in the picturesque Isar Valley, Bad Tölz is a charming town just south of Munich, flanked by Lake Tegernsee and Lake Starnberg. Far from the name suggesting anything “bad,” in German, Bad refers to a town renowned for its therapeutic bathing facilities and as a health resort. For photography enthusiasts, it’s an idyllic location...

The post Exploring Analogue Photography in Bad Tölz: A Walk with the Rollei 35 S appeared first on 35mmc.

650B Gravel Bikes: The Monster(cross) List [BIKEPACKING.com] (10:44 , Monday, 13 January 2025)

650B Gravel Bikes, 27.5 MonstercrossOriginally published Jan 2nd, 2019. Major update: Jan 8th, 2025 Bikepacking bikes come in all shapes and sizes—everything from plus-tire hardtails to svelte gravel race rigs and from full-squish to […]

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The Stainless Steel Tanaka Basket Comes in Six Colors [BIKEPACKING.com] (10:08 , Monday, 13 January 2025)

Tanaka Bike BasketMade of stainless steel and offered in four limited edition colors plus black and silver, the Tanaka bike basket offers users the chance to save their beloved baskets from corrosion damage while keeping things fresh. Read on for more on these rust-resistant baskets...

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Steel Appeal: Martin Shepherd from Reynolds on Why Steel is Real (Video) [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:51 , Monday, 13 January 2025)

Reynolds Steel is Real, Bespoked UK 2024In this captivating talk from Bespoked UK, Martin Shepherd of Reynolds Technology explores the remarkable qualities of steel in bike frames. Watch the presentation in its entirety and learn why this timeless material remains a favorite among cyclists and frame builders for its blend of durability, versatility, and sustainability with a touch of history...

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Introducing the Manzanita Cycles Whippet: “Lightning Fast and Reliable” [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:34 , Monday, 13 January 2025)

Manzanita cycles WhippetTeased last spring, the new Manzanita Cycles Whippet is a performance steel gravel bike with clearance for 29 x 2.25" tires and plenty of bosses for cages and gear. It comes in a whopping eight sizes to fit every body type out there. Learn all about the Manzanita Cycles Whippet here...

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The Old Man Mountain Experimental Bikepacking Team is Here! [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:07 , Monday, 13 January 2025)

loam and gravel societyLast December, Old Man Mountain, Silca, and the Robert Axle Project announced open entry for an experimental bikepacking team. After some time deliberating on a slew of applications, they've revealed their selects for the five-person team. Meet them here...

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Golden Jackrabbit Loop [BIKEPACKING.com] (07:40 , Monday, 13 January 2025)

Golden Jackrabbit Loop Bikepacking RouteThe Golden Jackrabbit Loop begins at a low-key designated camp spot on BLM public land, adjacent to The Palms restaurant and entertainment venue in Wonder Valley. The ride begins on […]

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Rollei 35AF – My Love/Hate Relationship – Problems Encountered and Lessons Learned [35mmc] (05:00 , Monday, 13 January 2025)

As I write this, I have just finished sending the latest in a long stream of emails to Mint/Rollei support about my new Rollei 35AF. I was one of the first to order the camera when pre-sales started in early September, and I’ve been using the camera for about three weeks now and have run...

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BlueSCSI Wi-Fi Desk Accessory 1.3 Released [joshua stein] (01:00 , Monday, 13 January 2025)

BlueSCSI Wi-Fi Desk Accessory 1.3 has been released:

  • wifi_da-1.3.sit (StuffIt 3 archive)
    SHA256: 40b49ef83b6512bde571171aa42e90419a8577efa895cfaeb19bf18a0c82d4de
    SHA1: b8fa941eb104c0f925436cc8fbc3018a3ded5b96

This update brings internationalization support for Macs running non-English installations, and a number of bug fixes.

Changes in this version:

  • Fix a handful of bugs
  • Add a log window that can be toggled by clicking on the signal icon
  • Add localization for strings shown in the UI for Macs running non-English installations, which was initiated by Jean-Michel Durand
  • Add Dutch translation by Axel Roest
  • Add French translation by Jean-Michel-Durand (onegeekarmy)
  • Add Italian translation by qwertyoruiop

Sunday, 12 January 2025

Saving One Screen At A Time [Tedium] (05:08 , Sunday, 12 January 2025)

Saving One Screen At A Time

Today in Tedium: Having seen a lot of pipes, wavy lines, and flying toasters in my day, there was a real novelty to the art of screen savers, which became another way to put your visual mark on the devices you own. The animated screen saver is still out there, of course, but its cultural relevance has faded considerably. In fact, GNOME, one of the two dominant window managers in the FOSS world (particularly on Linux), straight-up doesn’t support graphical screen savers in modern versions, unless you’re willing to get hacky. And it’s not like people kick up colorful screen savers on their smartphones or tablets. But maybe we’re thinking about screen savers all wrong in terms of their cultural role. When it comes to screen savers, what if GNOME has it right? Today’s Tedium ponders the screen saver, including how we got it and what it represents today. The toasters are flying. — Ernie @ Tedium

“As I started to dig in, I found that it was much, much harder to write a screen saver than to do the graphics. So my idea was, let’s solve the screen saver problem once, then have the graphics be modular—build the TV and then change the channel.”

— Jack Eastman, one of the two primary developers of the After Dark screen saver for MacOS, explaining the program’s initial development process. Essentially, as he told Low End Mac in 2007, the software had to be built from the ground up using assembly language, something he did with fellow co-creator Patrick Beard. Eastman just wanted to put some cool graphical effects on the screen, but then realized he was working on a more complex idea than he bargained for. The concept gained commercial viability after Berkeley Systems co-founder Wes Boyd suggested making the screen savers more whimsical. That led Eastman to make toasters that could fly, the software’s calling card.

Softtalk
The article that introduced regular computer users to the screen saver laid it on a little thick. (Softalk/via Internet Archive)

The roots of the screen saver are in the automatic dimmer

If you’re a long-time reader of Tedium, you probably have heard this line before: When trying to dig into the history of something, look past the accepted answer, lest you run into the “Windex problem,” where a misinformed result from Wikipedia turns into the public record. The reason is simple: The accepted answer is often the easy answer, and when doing a little research, you can bust past that to the point of truth.

And that is true with the screen saver, a technique for preventing burn-in on television sets and computer monitors, particularly CRTs. The commonly accepted root of this object is SCRNSAVE, a program developed by John Socha, a computer magazine writer and software developer who later created Norton Commander. His invention, included in a regular magazine feature he wrote for Softalk, spoke of the need to protect displays from themselves:

The simplest preventive is to turn down the intensity before you walk away from your computer. If you don’t see an image on the screen, it'll be safe from burn damage. But although simple, this method is unreliable. It's too easy to leave the display on for “just a few minutes,” only to return several hours later to find the screen still brightly lit.

(In other words: Screen saving is an anti-forgetfulness technique.)

Socha’s idea was to create a program in machine language called Scrnsave.com, which effectively did this brightness-minimizing task automatically, without the user having to think about it. (He made it more accessible to the masses by creating a program in BASIC that wrote the machine-code program. Clearly thinking ahead.)

The secret to its functionality, added Socha, was by building a program that hung out in resident memory and utilized the computer’s internal clock, while comparing it to the input from the keyboard. He continued:

How does Sernsave do all this? The clock inside your PC ticks 18.2 times per second. Scrnsave contains a three-minute counter that starts at 3276—the number of clock ticks for three minutes. On each tick of the clock, Scrnsave subtracts one from this count, and it turns off the screen when it reaches zero. We need some way to reset this counter while we are using the PC, so Scrnsave also intercepts two interrupts in addition to the interrupts generated by the clock.

Each time you push or release a key, the keyboard sends an interrupt signal to the PC. Scrnsave intercepts this interrupt; each time you push or release a key, Scrnsave resets its counter to 3276 (three minutes) before passing control to the ROM BIOS routines that read keystrokes. Scrnsave also resets its counter to 3276 every time a program sends characters to the screen. By intercepting these last two interrupts, Scrnsave can tell when you need to have the screen active, so it won't shut out the lights unless you sit back or walk away for three minutes or more.

This was a very clever program at the time. Many operating systems do this today without asking. And to be clear, while Socha deserves credit for popularizing the technique with a broad audience, the idea wasn’t totally new.

See, during the 1970s and early 1980s, numerous hardware and software developers attempted to build things in the same wheelhouse as Socha’s early screen saver. The difference was, they weren’t for the IBM PC or even for a computer at all. Rather, they were for dumb terminals or video game systems.

Tec Model 70
A Micro-Tec Model 70, which recently appeared on eBay. If you have like $1,200 to spend on a monitor that was state of the art the year Chris Martin of Coldplay was born, this is your ticket. (via eBay)

The first example I found, from 1977, was the Micro-Tec Model 70 CRT display, intended for dumb terminals. It included a feature that sounds suspiciously like a screen saver. As Computerworld wrote in 1977:

Optional features or capabilities include polling and paging. The optional CRT Saver reduces screen intensity when the unit has not been operated in a preset amount of time to eliminate wear of the screen phosphor, the spokesman noted.

That product feature comes a full six years before Scrnsave, and it wasn’t the only one. Doing a patent search, I found that Termiflex, a company that specialized in developing handheld interactive terminals, actually discussed the concept of an “auto dim mode” in a patent application initially filed in 1974.

“This mode causes the automatic dimming of the display if no information is received or generated on the display for approximately five minutes,” the filing stated, while disappointingly noting that “in the present version of the invention, this feature has been eliminated.”

In the early 1980s, companies like Memorex and Decision Data were promoting “an automatic dimming feature to preserve the quality of the display” in their terminals, which could be seen as a predecessor to the ambient light sensor used on many modern computers.

The self-dimming computer screen makes sense in the context of our improving understanding of how to control light or input. If you look up information about “automatic dimming,” you will likely start to find references to cars and planes. Some of the earliest I found date to the 1930s, when an unnamed French inventor created a way for headlights to automatically dim at the sight of oncoming traffic. It didn’t hit the market in a big way until the 1950s, when Oldsmobile began offering it as an optional accessory.

And while it wasn’t automatic until later, the solid-state home dimming switch, which controlled the amount of light coming into a home by using a type of semiconductor called a thyristor, came to being in 1959. While the specifics matter here (and a cathode ray tube is not exactly the same as a light bulb), the general concept of dimming or turning off the screen by limiting the amount of energy delivered to the light source is pretty consistent.

And to be clear, the display wasn’t the only part of the machine that needed this kind of wear-and-tear element added. For example, the PerCom Data LFD-400 minifloppy system included an “inactivity time-out circuit to increase drive motor life.”

At its root, any attempt to dim or darken a screen is an attempt to make it work more efficiently. It is at the root of any device with a screen, especially if it uses a battery. The fun graphics, which didn’t come until later, kind of do the opposite.

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46

The number of minutes it would take for a 139x139 square image of a DVD logo to perfectly hit the corner of a television screen, according to high school math teacher David Vreken, who wrote about the topic in 2016, inspired in part by a famous opening clip from The Office. Notably, the pixel dimension of the image matters a lot in this case—if the image was just one pixel larger on either side (i.e. 140x140), the image would take just 2 minutes and 18 seconds to hit the corner.


Pac Man Burn In 1
Why video games needed attract screens, exhibit A. (via Reddit)

The first “screen saver” most people saw was likely a video game attract mode in an arcade

But even getting past the idea of dumb terminals here, it’s worth pointing out that most people’s first interaction with computerized text or graphics likely didn’t start with a dumb terminal or even a home computer. Odds are, it was a video game, either in the home or an arcade. As Claude C. Jones noted in Compute in 1987, the realization that static images could damage CRTs became a known problem thanks to home consoles.

The effect was noticed when home video games first became popular in the late 1970s. Someone would leave a video game on the TV all day, only to discover a shadow image of the game remaining when the channel was changed. Video game manufacturers soon modified their machines to cycle through a series of colors whenever the screen displayed a static playfield.

Developers had fixes for this issue, but what they did wasn’t called a “screen saver.” The term they used was “attract mode.”

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ibBiSAV9I1E

Thanks to those attract modes, you could argue that many arcade machines, like Space Invaders and Galaga, operated not unlike screen savers. The goal was more to convince people to drop coins into the machines—which meant that, unlike many modern screen savers, they weren’t noisy—but they also, in effect, ensured the machine would remain dynamic, with pixels constantly moving on the CRT.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ujfF5VfAHgk

Home systems, including computers and video games, did this as well. Atari 2600 games, such as Pitfall, would change colors while idling, another move designed to discourage burn-in.

By focusing on games, you can actually find some prior art for Socha’s idea in BASIC programming guides in magazines. For example, a 1980 issue of Interface Age featured a game called Galactic Giggle that effectively included its own internal screen saver, similar to the Pitfall example above:

Memory location 77 is the screen saver timer. Every four seconds 1 is added to the location. When it reaches a value of 128, then the screen starts changing colors. This is done to prevent burning an image onto the TV screen. By constantly resetting location 77 to 0 in line 30, the screen saver is kept from ruining the colors of the galaxy.

Put in context, it is not hard to compare this to what a bouncing DVD logo does.

And it’s clear that many video games did not lean hard enough on screen burn-in being an issue. The two earliest Pac-Man titles, in particular, largely left the maze on the screen, which means that spotting burn-in on an old Pac-Man game is pretty common.

Imagine being a pixel on an old Pac-Man game. For much of your life, you stay in place, completely static. Your existence is literally to turn that one spot into a specific color. That’s what your lot is in life. Nothing changes. You are just a dot, burning in the phosphor of a tube, attached to a machine that isn’t smart enough to realize that you need to change position every once in a while.

1992

The year Microsoft first released Windows 3.1, the first version of the operating system with built-in screen savers. These screen savers were often highly visual, and while user-replaceable, often reflected something of a branding coup for Microsoft, as the visuals in Microsoft’s own screen savers often promoted the Windows brand.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MKqrLGFoK9E

You are witnessing the fruit of a Microsoft internal competition.

How screen savers evolved into self-contained art projects—and back

OK, so I just dropped a bunch of concepts that could realistically be called “prior art” when it comes to the screen saver. Maybe there are people out there who might look at attract mode in a new light after all that.

But with that said, how connected are these ideas to the screen saver as we know it today? I would argue they are in the same neighborhood, even if they are not at the same house. The fact is, computers are designed to be much more static in their presentation of data than television-based mediums. A spreadsheet is not a video game, and odds are that spreadsheets, without interaction, could live on the screen for months. And that created burn-in challenges that, at the time spreadsheets first came on the scene, were genuine issues.

With that in mind, the innovation John Socha landed on in his article was to put this in the hands of the computer using a program that remained resident in memory, rather than requiring additional hardware to do the work—and unlike games with screen-saver functions, it needs to work with any program on the machine. This was more complicated in the pre-GUI era, when it often required modifying an autoexec.bat file.

But when the GUI appeared, it created a new context for these screen savers, something that companies like Berkeley Systems exploited through their modular After Dark screen saver tool, first released for the Apple Macintosh in 1989, and Windows a few years later.

For Microsoft, adding native screen saver support to Windows was a branding opportunity, but it unwittingly reflected what was happening in underground computing scenes. In many ways, screen savers leveraged a similar headspace to the demoscenes that emerged around Commodore and Atari computers during the mid-1980s. Those concepts needed a place to go that regular computer users could appreciate. The animated screen saver was it.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OT2ufnGe9Cc

While demos like Bad Apple are certainly more ambitious than what you see in your average screen saver, the conceptual threads that bring the two together are very similar.

Last year, Microsoft historian Raymond Chen explained that Windows’ famed 3D Pipes screen saver was part of an attempt to highlight the improved 3D graphics capabilities of Windows NT 3.5, according to an anonymous former employee he knew.

“Windows NT 3.5 was very close to shipping with OpenGL support, but there was nothing in the product that let the user know that this feature even existed,” Chen said of his mole. “He had to find a way to advertise the feature without risking product stability.”

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oRL5durPleI

So, essentially, the solution was to create a “demo” competition of screen savers among people on the Windows OpenGL team, which developed visual techniques that promoted the new capabilities, such as 3D Maze and 3D Flying Objects. Rather than choosing just one, though, the company put all of them in, bringing a sense of whimsy to software generally associated with boring business stuff.

The demoscene started from a different place from a crew of high-paid Microsoft engineers, but ultimately, each was building in the same spirit, and that reflected in the final result.

Now, to be clear, a lot has changed since the 1990s. The transition from CRTs to flat-panels dampened the burn-in risk. But it’s still possible, especially if you favor OLEDs over standard LCD panels.

On top of that, putting images on the screen solves only one element of a multi-faceted issue: the screen can’t just stick on a single image in the same spot for hours on end—and it’s wasteful to put images on a screen when it’s not in use. Running an animation, even a fun one, when the screen isn’t in active use is an excellent strategy to kill a battery on a laptop when not in use. And if everyone runs screen savers in an office, it’s an excellent way to tax these energy-sucking computers even when they’re not doing anything.

And the truth is that the novelty has worn off. We have YouTube and memes to fill the niche of wacky things appearing on our screens. And we use computers that are inherently portable now. It doesn’t make sense to run an animated screen saver in many contexts anymore.

But in the early ’90s, I’m sure the flying toasters slayed.

The thing is, when we think of screen savers, we think of stuff like After Dark or the bouncing DVD—images that fill the screen and add interest to the medium.

But put into historic context, I honestly feel like the comparison point for screen savers is less the wacky graphics, as wonderful as they are, and more the dimming functionality developed by terminal makers in the 1970s. That is where this concept started. And ultimately, that’s where the technology ended up.

Don’t believe me? Just take one look at your smartphone. It can go black after a mere 30 seconds of disuse. But it can turn back on with a tap of input. This is essentially what those early terminals, along with Socha’s memory-resident program, initially did. This is what a “screen saver” once meant, and its legacy is hiding in your pocket at a moment’s notice. The reasons for doing so—privacy and decreasing power consumption—are similar. The scale is different.

(And arguably, the reason for needing to do so, burn-in, is still a problem on smartphones, specifically those with OLED displays.)

But that’s not to say that the more visual approach to screen savers doesn’t have a place in the modern world. I think the spot you’ll most likely see a screen saver in 2025, minus whether you’ve turned it on for your Mac or Windows machine, is a smart TV set, like a Roku. My Roku TV kicks into a branded screen-saver mode after about a minute of disuse. I can’t change what the screen saver does, and it promotes things to me.

So yes, image-packed screen savers are gimmicks, and you don’t really need them, since we have devices that know how to dim themselves, but they make the world more interesting. But if you’re Roku, and you want to promote the new season of Severance on Apple TV because Apple paid you money to carry the first season, any concerns about saving energy might just go out the window in favor of the extra pitch.

--

Find this one an interesting read? Share it with a pal! (And if you have any fun screen savers from way back when, give a shout over at Bluesky!)


(R)ode to Joy: Bikepacking Across Sweden (Film) [BIKEPACKING.com] (08:16 , Sunday, 12 January 2025)

rode to joy filmWhen Anna Blackwell decided she wanted to get more into cycling, she threw herself into the deep end, pedaling 1,000 kilometers across Sweden with her friend and fellow photographer Matt Buckley. "(R)ode to Joy" shares the story of their trip, packed with stunning beaches, ice cream stops, gravel roads, and cinnamon buns. Watch the film and find a recap from Anna here...

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5 frames with the MS-Optics 24mm 2.0 Aporia on a Leica M10 [35mmc] (05:00 , Sunday, 12 January 2025)

I spent way more time in the forests in 2020 than ever before, thanks to the absence of other outdoor activities one can easily pursue (especially travel). Mind you, I have never been much of a forest photographer, I was (probably still am) more interested in fine art dramatic landscapes or blue hour cityscapes. But...

The post 5 frames with the MS-Optics 24mm 2.0 Aporia on a Leica M10 appeared first on 35mmc.

Saturday, 11 January 2025

161 years ago, a New Zealand sheep farmer predicted AI doom [Biz & IT – Ars Technica] (07:15 , Saturday, 11 January 2025)

While worrying about AI takeover might seem like a modern idea that sprung from War Games or The Terminator, it turns out that a similar concern about machine dominance dates back to the time of the American Civil War, albeit from an English sheep farmer living in New Zealand. Theoretically, Abraham Lincoln could have read about AI takeover during his lifetime.

On June 13, 1863, a letter published in The Press newspaper of Christchurch warned about the potential dangers of mechanical evolution and called for the destruction of machines, foreshadowing the development of what we now call artificial intelligence—and the backlash against it from people who fear it may threaten humanity with extinction. It presented what may be the first published argument for stopping technological progress to prevent machines from dominating humanity.

Titled "Darwin among the Machines," the letter recently popped up again on social media thanks to Peter Wildeford of the Institute for AI Policy and Strategy. The author of the letter, Samuel Butler, submitted it under the pseudonym Cellarius, but later came to publicly embrace his position. The letter drew direct parallels between Charles Darwin's theory of evolution and the rapid development of machinery, suggesting that machines could evolve consciousness and eventually supplant humans as Earth's dominant species.

Read full article

Comments

5 Shots From Minolta’s Entry Level AF SLR – The Dynax 300si [35mmc] (05:00 , Saturday, 11 January 2025)

Quite a few years ago I was gifted a Minolta Dynax 500si. The donor had sold the lens on its own so the body came to me “because I do film photography stuff”. I already owned a couple of manual focus Minoltas but I realised the lenses had a different mount and so the camera...

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Friday, 10 January 2025

Updated Debian 12: 12.9 released [Debian News] (07:00 , Friday, 10 January 2025)

The Debian project is pleased to announce the ninth update of its stable distribution Debian 12 (codename bookworm). This point release mainly adds corrections for security issues, along with a few adjustments for serious problems. Security advisories have already been published separately and are referenced where available.

Pinpointing The Actual Problem [Tedium] (10:17 , Friday, 10 January 2025)

Pinpointing The Actual Problem

For a site that runs on Eleventy and Craft CMS, we sure write about WordPress a lot. But the fact of the matter is, we’re content nerds at heart, and when we got into the content-management thing, we did so with WordPress back … oh, about 16 years ago.

And folks that try to stay independent like us are likely to find a lot about WordPress that matches their needs and desires. And I want to look out for those people because I care about them as a fellow small publisher.

So, maybe I shouldn’t be surprised that, after a nuclear-level meltdown on the part of Automattic and its CEO Matt Mullenweg, that the company announced that it would be scaling back its sponsored contributions to the WordPress project to a level essentially considered the bare minimum under the WordPress project’s “Five For The Future” program: 45 hours per week on WordPress core initiatives that benefit the entire project, not just Automattic’s own WordPress ecosystem. This is down from thousands of hours, and the note makes clear that the reason the company is doing this is essentially because the WP Engine lawsuit is not going their way. As the company put it:

This legal action diverts significant time and energy that could otherwise be directed toward supporting WordPress’s growth and health. We remain hopeful that WP Engine will reconsider this legal attack, allowing us to refocus our efforts on contributions that benefit the broader WordPress ecosystem.

To critics, this is likely to be seen as petty on the part of Automattic’s leadership, which makes sense given that many of its other actions have also been similarly seen in this light.

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But what actually surprised me about the statement was a phrase buried in the last section of the 500-word blog post, my emphasis added:

While our sponsored contributions are reduced, Automattic remains deeply invested in the WordPress platform. We will redirect our energy toward projects that can fortify WordPress for the long term—ensuring its resilience, relevance, and vitality for the next generation of users and contributors. Part of this will be making WordPress.com much closer to a core WordPress experience, instead of having a different interface.

I don’t know if they were intending on this or not, but I think Automattic just diagnosed its own business problem—and to be clear, it’s not WP Engine. At least, not directly.

Word Press Com
Despite the slogan, WordPress.com has a reputation of not giving the full-fat experience to users in the entry-level tiers.

Currently, I would describe WordPress.com’s feature set as a variant of the open-source project, with roughly 50 percent of the features of the main project at the free level, along with a somewhat different design. You can post content on the site, you can select a theme, you can manage comments, and so on. The problem is, the model is extremely limited compared to the open-source version of WordPress—it has ads, you can’t install plugins or themes, and so on. You arguably get a lesser experience if you use the first-party version of WordPress, and have to pay significantly to actually get something approximating that experience.

WordPress, as an open-source project, essentially opens up the floodgates to the full-fat experience on a budget, and it’s an experience that its competitors simply do a better job at offering. Bluehost, for example, allows you to run up to 50 websites with up to 200,000 visitors per month for significantly less. And WP Engine comes at the issue from the other angle, offering a highly optimized version of the CMS for high-end users. Elsewhere in the CMS ecosystem, Ghost charges by subscriber these days (previously favoring a by-traffic approach), and Craft charges on a yearly model, but only for specific classes of users.

Clearly WordPress.com is the mothership, but it also doesn’t feel like it matches the rest of the WordPress ecosystem, and I think that has worked against Automattic over time. It leads companies that would otherwise have gone with the first-party option to favor plan B, because WordPress.com (at least not the ultra-premium VIP version) is not the “real” WordPress experience.

The company needs to do something about its unusually aggressive approach to competition and recalibrate its relationship to the open-source project it fostered. If that means doing less while encouraging others to do more, maybe that’s a necessary reset to move forward. But I think if they’re going to take a break from their traditionally aggressive approach to FOSS, it would do them some favors if they reset their own model to actually feel more like the open-source project it fostered, rather than a variant with a bunch of custom additions that actually discourage people from using the first-party tool.

Whether they like it or not, they have secretly been handing a huge advantage to its competitors on a platter—a better WordPress experience than you can get from WordPress. If this whole legal battle has been a ploy to get back on top, they should use the mandate to better compete within its own ecosystem.

Non-CMS Links

As an East Coaster, I can only imagine what’s happening with the wildfires in Los Angeles from a distance, and it sounds genuinely heartbreaking and terrifying. It’s a dark, existential moment, to say the least. So many folks—regular people, celebrities, and everyone in-between—have lost their homes, or at the very least were forced to leave by the massive plumes in the sky. Fire does not discriminate, but it does leave a lot of difficult questions, along with loss, in its wake. I’m going to shut up now and let others affected carry the story forward.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wQmkaEZeVSk

It doesn’t happen very often, and odds are low it will be beaten anytime soon, as we’re getting up against theoretical limits, but we have a new Super Mario Bros. any % speedrun record from Niftski, who managed to pull it off in 4:54.565. If you’ve never seen Niftski cheer after scoring a record, you’re in for a treat. His enthusiasm is contagious.

Do all the stock photo companies need to be owned by Getty Images? No? Then why does Getty keep buying them?

--

Thanks Andy Baio of Waxy for catching something on this that I was able to tweak real quick.

Find this one an interesting read? Share it with a pal! And we’ll be back with a weekend piece.


Friday Debrief: Blue Lug x Swift Collab, 2025 Brother Stroma, Wizard Works Offcuts, and More… [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:35 , Friday, 10 January 2025)

DebriefThis week’s Debrief features Nemo's lightest sleeping pad yet, a Blue Lug x Swift Industries collab, the 2025 Brother Cycles Stroma, Wizard Works Offcuts, two events to follow live, and more. Find it all here…

The post Friday Debrief: Blue Lug x Swift Collab, 2025 Brother Stroma, Wizard Works Offcuts, and More… appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Check out the New Ron’s Bikes Rando Bag [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:17 , Friday, 10 January 2025)

Ron's Bikes Rando BagAfter some manufacturing snafus, Ronnie and Tenzin are back with some fresh bags! The New Ron's Bikes Rando Bag is Nutmeg Country's take on the classic rando-style closure with some classic La Rons flair. See it here...

The post Check out the New Ron’s Bikes Rando Bag appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Squid Maybe Dead: 26″ Wheels and UDH Dropouts?! [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:06 , Friday, 10 January 2025)

squid maybe deadHandmade by Prandus Bicycle Company in California, the new Squid Maybe Dead is a 26" rigid steel all-terrain bicycle with an unexpected mix of specs. Dig into the details here...

The post Squid Maybe Dead: 26″ Wheels and UDH Dropouts?! appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Reader’s Rig: Thomas’s Patria Graveller [BIKEPACKING.com] (08:38 , Friday, 10 January 2025)

Patria Graveller, Patria TerraOur Reader's Rig of the week comes from Thomas in Germany, who shares the Patria he bought as a 26-inch-wheeled frame and pedaled some 45,000 kilometers before giving it a second life with 27.5-inch wheels. Meet Thomas and read his bike's story here...

The post Reader’s Rig: Thomas’s Patria Graveller appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Inside Bikes del Pueblo: But What is a Co-Op? [BIKEPACKING.com] (07:19 , Friday, 10 January 2025)

Bikes del PuebloEvan Christenson recently poked his head into his local bike co-op and immediately fell in love with the community-based organization. He stayed for months to figure out what makes it tick, quickly becoming another one of the regulars. Read on for his full-hearted perspective on what makes bike co-ops special…

The post Inside Bikes del Pueblo: But What is a Co-Op? appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Thursday, 09 January 2025

Adventure More: Inside Across Andes Race (Video) [BIKEPACKING.com] (12:55 , Thursday, 09 January 2025)

sami Sauri across andesThe first episode of Sami Sauri's new video series, Adventure More, documents her experience finishing second at the fifth edition of the Across Andes event in Chile. Watch it here...

The post Adventure More: Inside Across Andes Race (Video) appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

New No. 6 Composites Adventure Fork and Consumer Sales [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:58 , Thursday, 09 January 2025)

No. 6 Adventure ForkDesigned and manufactured by No. 22 Bicycles, the new No. 6 Composites Adventure Fork is now available as an aftermarket upgrade. It features room for 700 x 50mm tires, three-pack mounts, and an optional Cerekote finish. Learn more about the fork and No. 6's new consumer sales program here...

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Pre-Order Corkscrew Climb semi-slicks [Rene Herse Cycles] (09:04 , Thursday, 09 January 2025)

Update 1/14/2025: The new Corkscrew Climb semi-slicks are now shipping. You can order yours here.

Interest in our new Corkscrew Climb Semi-Slicks has far exceeded our expectations. It’s clear that the cycling world has been waiting for a semi-slick that finally delivers—combining the speed of a slick with the traction of a knobby.

Our first production run of Corkscrew Climbs will start shipping to our customers in about a week. First priority will go to the racers we work with, so they can train and race on the new tires as they prepare their 2025 season. (The prototypes they’ve been riding and racing as part of our R&D are starting to wear out.)

We are also offering the new Corkscrew Climb semi-slicks to all customers for pre-ordering. That way, you know that you’ll get your tires from the first delivery. Head to the link below to place your order. We’ll ship orders first come, first serve.

Demand for our TPU tubes continues to outstrip our production capacities. These tubes are made in Germany in small batches. As of now, all models remain in stock, but some quantities are down to single digits. Another shipment is expected in late January. If the tubes you want are out of stock when you place your order, you can pre-order them. We appreciate everybody’s patience while we work hard to keep our components in stock.

More Information:

Bikepacking 700 Miles Across Mexico (Video) [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:01 , Thursday, 09 January 2025)

Dan CampIn the latest video documenting his ride from Alaska to Argentina, Dan Camp finally says goodbye to Mexico after an eight-month stay in the breathtakingly beautiful country. Find a recap of his last 700-mile stretch before Guatemala here...

The post Bikepacking 700 Miles Across Mexico (Video) appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Klunk ‘n’ Float 2024: The Power of Tradition [BIKEPACKING.com] (07:27 , Thursday, 09 January 2025)

klunk n float 2024After a busy end to 2024, Miles reflects on the importance of finding room in our lives for traditions with family and friends. Read on for stories and realizations from the third annual Klunk 'n' Float adventure with a collection of photos from the group's pedal and packraft-powered trip on Vancouver Island, British Columbia…

The post Klunk ‘n’ Float 2024: The Power of Tradition appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Wednesday, 08 January 2025

Snow-Biking on the Surly Moonlander: How do 6.2″ Tires Handle the White Stuff? [BIKEPACKING.com] (10:06 , Wednesday, 08 January 2025)

Surly Moonlander in Snow videoIn his latest video, Neil ventures out on a series of rides to put the Surly Moonlander to the test in the snowy landscapes around Gunnison, Colorado. See how it handles a range of wintery conditions in the full video here...

The post Snow-Biking on the Surly Moonlander: How do 6.2″ Tires Handle the White Stuff? appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Two New National Monuments Designated in California [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:46 , Wednesday, 08 January 2025)

ChuckwallaYesterday, President Biden announced the designation of two national monuments in California: Chuckwalla National Monument and Sáttítla National Monument, conserving the landscapes and expanding outdoor recreation opportunities. Learn more here...

The post Two New National Monuments Designated in California appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Hokies women’s basketball falls to Florida State in concerning 105-74 blowout [www.collegiatetimes.com - RSS Results for * of type article OR video OR youtube OR collection] (07:57 , Wednesday, 08 January 2025)

For the first time in five seasons, Virginia Tech women’s basketball started the season 0–2 in in-conference play.

Good Night 2024 Roundup: Editors and Top Picks [BIKEPACKING.com] (07:26 , Wednesday, 08 January 2025)

good night 2024 campoutWith our Good Night Campout behind us and the New Year just beginning, we’re excited to report that hundreds participated in our fourth year-end overnighter challenge. After digging through an abundance of submissions, we picked a dozen of our favorites to share, including two from the editors. Find a roundup of vignettes with excellent photos from South Korea, New Mexico, Canada, Poland, Scotland, and beyond here…

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Tuesday, 07 January 2025

Mone Hachita: The Ultimate Parts-Bin Bike? [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:53 , Tuesday, 07 January 2025)

Mone HachitaThe new Mone Hachita isn't compatible with thru-axles, tapered steerers, or press-fit bottom brackets, but it's designed to work with as many older parts as possible. Is it the ultimate parts-bin bike? Learn more here...

The post Mone Hachita: The Ultimate Parts-Bin Bike? appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Introducing the New Tumbleweed Wagon Wheel Chainring [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:38 , Tuesday, 07 January 2025)

Tumbleweed Wagon Wheel ChainringThe new Tumbleweed Wagon Wheel chainring is a direct mount, 32-tooth chainring for Shimano cranks intended to seamlessly integrate into the wider Tumbleweed ecosystem. Find details on the new Wagon Wheel chainring from Tumbleweed here...

The post Introducing the New Tumbleweed Wagon Wheel Chainring appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

The MONoPOLE TOoLCAR Prototype Looks Brilliant [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:21 , Tuesday, 07 January 2025)

MONoPOLE TOoLCAR PrototypeAn experimental, student-created sidecar for a mini cargo bike dubbed the "MONoPOLE TOoLCAR" popped up on Instagram, and it looks incredible. With a swiveling pivot that seamlessly integrates into the bike's urban design, this is a prototype we hope to see in production. For more on this experimental project, read on...

The post The MONoPOLE TOoLCAR Prototype Looks Brilliant appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Tic-Tac-D’Oh [Tedium] (09:00 , Tuesday, 07 January 2025)

Tic-Tac-D’Oh

Look, I’ve never been a Dell guy. Even as a kid, I never really gravitated towards their products. Their brand always felt a bit square to me, and even though they clearly play an important role in the computing ecosystem, it is not one that I have felt a need to lean into.

Something about the brand has always screamed “not for me,” even in comparison to other PC brands. (Judging on logos alone, here’s how I would order them in terms of major laptop-makers most in need of a logo modernization and refresh: MSI, Acer, Dell, Asus, Lenovo, HP, Apple. And honestly, it’s a sharp drop-off after Dell.)

It’s possible it may be a “me” thing. I once made a joke about how dull I thought Dell was (in this piece) only to get confused reactions in response.

Maybe I’m just not their target audience, but it just has never been my favorite and I have never been won over by their charms, outside of maybe old server hardware.

So, this week’s news that the company was going to rebrand its entire PC portfolio under different variations of the Dell moniker feels like it should be a step in the right direction. And yet.

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To break down what they did: The company now offers three lines of computers for both desktop and laptop—the Dell, the Dell Pro, and the Dell Pro Max, with the latter two lines targeted at businesses. On top of this, they offer three variations on each line—base, plus, and premium.

As the company put it in a blog post:

We’ve also made it easy to distinguish products within each of the new product categories. We have a consistent approach to tiering that lets customers pinpoint the exact device for their specific needs. Above and beyond the starting point (Base), there’s a Plus tier that offers the most scalable performance and a Premium tier that delivers the ultimate in mobility and design.

It’s like Steve Jobs’ old four-quadrant product matrix made into a tic-tac-toe board.

Dell Branding with Tiers 768x432
Dude, you’re getting a dull. (via Dell)

Now, to be clear, other PC brands have fairly confusing product lines—last year, for example, Lenovo released a Yoga laptop without that laptop sub-brand’s defining 2-in-1 feature—and Dell likely needed some clarity. After all, trying to suss out what makes an Inspiron different from a Latitude isn’t easy unless you actually follow the Dell brand.

But while I think Dell is trying to improve product clarity through this move, to me it emphasizes that they simply have too many lines of machines. It’s especially confusing because, since they’re mid-rollout, they have a Dell Pro 16 Plus but not a Dell Pro 16 Premium, and a Dell Pro 13 Premium but not a Dell Pro 13 Plus. If this was trying to clarify things for consumers, it’s not working!

Of course, the one thing that really makes this move a head-scratcher is the decision to drop the high-end XPS brand, long thought of as the closest thing the Windows market has to the MacBook Pro. XPS has essentially represented the show dog brand for Dell, often with its highest-performance specs and best designs. But now it’s being ditched in favor of “Premium,” which feels like a bit of a miss.

Certainly, Dell can do what it wants, but I think that when brandways get killed off like this it creates more consumer confusion, not less. And given that the model Dell is switching to is already in wide use by a prominent competitor makes the decision to simplify all the more confusing.

Last year, HP did a similar move with its PCs, choosing to bring out an OmniBook line of machines, reviving an old brand name from the ’90s to help simplify its consumer offerings. But I would argue that while that change is also confusing, it is much easier to follow because of the way the company chose to position it. Currently, you cannot get an OmniBook that is smaller or larger than 14 inches, and you cannot get a consumer HP PC with a Qualcomm processor that does not have the OmniBook brand name on it. That at least gives consumers a baseline of expectations as to what this brand is, so that once the Spectre and Envy and Pavilion get folded into the Omnibook brand, the change will more or less happen all at once, so it feels a little less haphazard than what Dell is doing.

(And a note to Lenovo: If you’re thinking of pulling a move like this, I’m going to stop you right there. If you touch the ThinkPad, you threaten the wrath of the internet.)

Is Dell making a mistake by making its laptop lines so generic, by favoring the product portfolio over any one individual machine? After all, people don’t buy product portfolios—they buy PCs. It may be a bit soon to tell. But I do think that their decision to roll out only a few models in an inconsistent way was a mistake. If you’re building a tic-tac-toe board, at least make sure you fill out a full line before you start x-ing out other parts of the grid.

Pro Max Premium Links

Over the break, the famed tech journalist Gordon Mah Ung, who was something of a legend in enthusiast PC circles, died at age 58 after a long battle with pancreatic cancer that he often fought while maintaining his PC World presence. His loss will be felt deeply within the enthusiast space.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GHPY8icXOnk

Longtime SNL standout Bill Hader, who has a reputation for being deeply cultured, apparently asked Amoeba Music to let him do a “What’s In My Bag?” clip. (For those not familiar with the series, it’s essentially the “Hot Ones” of the indie world—a contrived format that exposes something interesting about its subject.) And the result is pretty great.

For Wired, Tim Carmody wrote the kind of take that in some circles might get you killed: “HTML Is Actually a Programming Language. Fight Me.” Let me just say: The point Carmody is getting at is that the semantics of whether HTML is Turing-complete often are used as a way to exclude, not include, potential programmers. Which is an argument I can absolutely get behind.

--

Find this one an interesting read? Share it with a pal. (And to my friends who use Dell computers: Do you find the branding as dull and forgettable as I do?)


$28 Military Sustainment Pouch Mini Panniers (MYOBG) [BIKEPACKING.com] (07:28 , Tuesday, 07 January 2025)

DIY Mini Panniers Military Sustainment PouchesUS military sustainment pouches are tough and inexpensive, and with a couple simple hacks, they can become practical, budget-friendly mini-panniers. As part of our Budget Bikepacking Build-off, we tested this concept in the field. Check out this tutorial on how to make military sustainment pouch mini panniers…

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Budget Bikepacking Build-Off: Virginia’s 1994 Schwinn Moab [BIKEPACKING.com] (07:26 , Tuesday, 07 January 2025)

1994 Schwinn Moab, budget bikepacking build-offThe latest installment in our Budget Bikepacking Build-Off series features Virginia’s 1994 Schwinn Moab, a creative take on assembling a complete bikepacking setup and camping kit for under $500. Find all the details about her build, photos from a chilly proof-of-concept overnighter in Pisgah National Forest, and practical, budget-friendly tips that aspiring bikepackers are sure to find useful here…

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Monday, 06 January 2025

Introducing the Sklar PBJ (Performance Basket Jammer) [BIKEPACKING.com] (12:18 , Monday, 06 January 2025)

sklar pbj 2025The latest production bike from Sklar in California is inspired by Adam's attempt to make the "perfect" touring bike, designed to go anywhere and everywhere with big tire clearance, a Chromoly steel frame and fork, loads of mounting points, and more. You can learn all about the Sklar PBJ (Performance Basket Jammer) here...

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Weekend Snapshot [BIKEPACKING.com] (10:08 , Monday, 06 January 2025)

Weekend SnapshotOur debut Weekend Snapshot of 2025 joins a few folks from our worldwide community as they start the new year by pedaling close to home. Find a mix of scenes from Ukraine, Mexico, and Germany here. Plus, use the short form to share a photo from one of your rides...

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Boru McCullagh’s World-Touring Specialized Diverge STR (Video) [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:45 , Monday, 06 January 2025)

Boru McCullagh's World Touring Specialized Diverge STRThe latest video update from the All Roads Considered YouTube channel is a full bike check! Detailing almost every aspect of Boru McCullagh's world-touring Specialized Diverge STR, the video gives an in-depth look at a race rig gone traveling. For more on this storied bike, dive in below...

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10 Bikepacking Trends and Predictions for 2025 [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:12 , Monday, 06 January 2025)

Bikepacking Trends Predictions 2025In our first video of 2025, Neil dives into some key bike industry trends and topics he's keeping an eye on for the year ahead. From bikepacking routes and bags to new standards, plus more serious issues like the "doom and gloom" surrounding the industry, Neil covers it all. Watch it here...

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Introducing the Ultimate Headset [Rene Herse Cycles] (08:51 , Monday, 06 January 2025)

We’re introducing the Rene Herse Ultimate headset to complete our program. Some readers may wonder: Why would anybody run a 1″ threaded headset in this day and age? There’s no doubt that carbon forks need massive tapered steerer tubes—that’s how makers have finally eliminated the dreaded brake judder of earlier carbon bikes with disc brakes. (At least for the most part.) For steel bikes, threaded 1″ headsets remain the best option.

Isn’t it madness to put so much effort into refining components for steel bikes, a technology that many consider obsolete? On the contrary, we feel that the potential of lightweight steel is often underestimated.

Consider that the most sophisticated off-road racing trucks use frames built from CrMo steel tubing. That tubing is very similar to the tubing for steel bikes—just scaled up for these 2-ton monsters. Even though they continue to be built from steel, ‘Trophy Trucks’ have evolved a lot in recent years. Their engines have become more powerful: upward of 1,000 horsepower. Apart from that, most of the development has been in tires and suspension. That’s where the real speed gains come from in desert racing.

That sounds a lot like bicycle racing on gravel: Pro racers have entered the sport and upped the horsepower. And tires have been the biggest tech development. Paralleling those Trophy Trucks, suspension probably has a lot of potential for future development on gravel bikes, too.

There are many reasons why high-performance bikes have moved to carbon, but steel remains a viable alternative. Those Trophy Trucks could also be made from carbon, but steel is easier to customize. The performance benefits of carbon are so small that they aren’t worth the price when it comes to making just a handful of trucks—or bikes—to a specific design. Modern carbon bikes are amazing, but steel can work just as well—if we keep developing and refining these bikes to their fullest performance potential.

That is the reason we’ve developed these headsets (and many other parts in the Rene Herse program): We need them for the bikes we ride and race in Paris-Brest-Paris, Unbound XL, Arkansas High Country Race, and Dark Divide 300. Our approach to these events might be considered unconventional. But then, a decade ago you would have said the same about the wide-and-supple tires that we were championing long before others jumped on the bandwagon.

Why not run threadless headsets on our bikes? Threadless headsets tend to loosen under repeated hard braking. The only thing that holds the adjustment is the stem that’s clamped onto the steerer, and that tends to move if large forces and vibrations combine. (Especially if you tighten the clamp bolts to the very low torque specs that many stem makers recommend.) Stem slippage is enough of a problem that Chris King has developed the GripNut system to help solve this issue.

With a threaded headset, you have a locknut that keeps everything tight. No matter how hard you brake, or how fast you ride over rough terrain, the headset won’t go out of adjustment. As to the 1″ diameter, that’s the perfect size for steel forks. Anything larger just adds unnecessary weight.

However, 1″ headsets aren’t without issues. The bearings are the relatively small and tend to wear, causing the headset to ‘index.’ That’s really distracting or even dangerous, since smooth steering inputs are essential for balancing the bike. Another concern: The front ends of classic steel bikes can shimmy.

Needle bearings are a solution for both these problems. The larger bearing surfaces of the little cylinders (compared to balls) spread the loads over a much greater surface area. The bearings self-align, which compensates for small inaccuracies in the facing of the steerer tube. As a result, needle bearing headsets simply don’t wear out. The bike I raced for a decade has an old Stronglight headset I bought second-hand. After more than 100,000 km (65,000 miles), it’s still turning smoothly.

The needle bearings have an added benefit: There’s a fraction more resistance. Not so much that you feel it when riding, but just enough to dampen oscillations that lead to shimmy. Conversely, free-spinning cartridge bearing headsets increase any bike’s propensity to shimmy, especially once bearings and seals loosen up with use. We’ve ‘cured’ shimmy on many bikes by installing a needle-bearing headset.

Like so many parts designed for steel bikes, most needle-bearing headsets were discontinued long ago. Finding good ones has become nearly impossible, even used, and so we’ve developed our own. In fact, we’ve developed three headsets with needle bearings.

The Low-Stack headset is intended as a replacement for worn headsets of classic steel bikes with short steerer tubes. With a stack height of just 38 mm, it fits on most bikes. It’s very similar to those old Stronglights that I’ve used for so many years.

The new Ultimate headset uses inverted bearings at the top for perfect bearing alignment at all times, even under hard braking. That makes it the perfect headset for a new custom steel bike, or any classic bike that has a long-enough steerer tube.

The Ultimate Rinko headset has retaining rings that keep the bearings inside the cups when the fork is removed from the frame. This is perfect for travel: You don’t want to deal with greasy bearings when you pack your bike.

The drawings above illustrate the bearing orientations.

  • Low Stack: The lower and upper bearings are oriented the same way to keep the stack height low.
  • Ultimate: Inverted top bearings to keep everything perfectly aligned at all times.
  • Ultimate Rinko: The upper cup is inverted (like the bearings inside), so the bearings stays inside when the fork is removed. Retaining rings hold the bearings in place.

All Rene Herse headsets use a standard locknut, so you can run headset spacers and/or cable hangers. The parts are polished, not anodized, so they conduct electricity. That’s important if you want to use your frame and fork as the return path for your taillight current.

We also offer the bearings separately. Not because they’ll wear out—they won’t—but in case you lose one, or for some other reason need a replacement. Most of all, offering spare parts is just standard practice for Rene Herse Cycles.

Classic threaded headsets have two other (minor) drawbacks. The first is that the tools to adjust them tend to be big and heavy—the wrenches have to go over the 32 mm locknut. We’ve solved that with our Rinko Headset Wrench, which slips over the locknut, eliminating most of the material. It weighs just 14 grams, and you could take it on every ride. (For which there is no need, unless you end your ride at a train or bus station and need to Rinko your bike.)

The second issue is the little washer that goes between the upper cup and the locknut. It’s an essential part to keep the upper cup and the locknut from turning both together—which would cause the headset to loosen over time. That’s why that washer has a tab—to keep it from turning. A matching groove is cut into the steerer tube. That may work in theory, but in real life, it often causes problems: When adjusting the headset, the washer often turns with the locknut and that tab messes up the steerer tube threads. No so good. And once the tab is messed up, it also no longer keeps the headset from going out of adjustment.

The solution is to put a flat surface at the back of the steerer tube. French bikes were made that way. The thin washer could still suffer—the steerer threads simply cut into it, and then it would turn, too. That’s why we made a thick spacer with flat surface to increase the resistance to turning. That has solved all these issues.

Rene Herse headsets come with conventional washers with a tab, so you can install them on any bike without modification. We offer the flat-backed spacers separately, if you want to use that system.

It’s easy to convert bikes to this system: Simply file a flat section onto back of the steerer. Use the headset spacer as a guide: Keep filing until the spacer fits over the steerer tube. You’re not weakening the steerer, since the flat doesn’t go deeper into the steerer than the groove that was already there. The flat spacer can be used with all 1″ headsets, and it’s an inexpensive retrofit to keep your headset tight.

With this system, you need only a single headset wrench, as the upper cup doesn’t turn when you tighten the locknut. This makes headset adjustment much simpler: Tighten the upper cup, slip on the washer, then tighten the locknut. You’ll need a few tries until you get the preload just right—simply turn the upper cup one way or the other until the pre-load is right after you tighten the locknut.

There’s none of the frustration you get when adjusting a headset with two wrenches: Since both sides turn and that tabbed washer often doesn’t stay put, you often have to keep trying until you arrive at the perfect adjustment by pure chance.

With the flat spacer, there’s no need to use brute force on the locknut. Just tighten the Rinko headset tool firmly by hand, and the headset will stay put, no matter how harsh the terrain. If you want to add some extra security, insert an 8 mm Allen wrench into the socket for added leverage. I do that before big races and adventures into remote places, for added piece of mind.

When we head to races like Unbound XL, it’s good to know that we can rely on our bikes 100%, and that their performance has been optimized to the nth degree. That way, we can focus on enjoying the ride, without thinking about our bikes.

More information:

Photo credits: SPEED | Robby Gordon Off-Road (Trophy Truck); Marc Arjol Rodriguez / Velophoto.tx (Unbound XL action)

Vastmanland Overnighter [BIKEPACKING.com] (07:22 , Monday, 06 January 2025)

Vastmanland Overnighter SwedenVästmanland is a sleepy region in central Sweden. Once you leave the shores of Lake Mälaren, the only specks of civilization are old, nearly forgotten industrial-era villages surrounded by miles […]

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Friday, 03 January 2025

The Allygn M.U.D. Fork is Finally Here [BIKEPACKING.com] (10:23 , Friday, 03 January 2025)

Allygn M.U.D. ForkThe new Allygn M.U.D. Fork is available as a standalone option and has all the makings of a great fork for bikepacking. With internal dynamo routing, three-pack mounts, and plenty of clearance, it's a carbon adventure fork worth more than its weight. For more on Allygn's new adventure fork, dive in below...

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Friday Debrief: Silca x McNally Collab, New Crust Bombora, PAUL’s Ride to Work Challenge, and more… [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:51 , Friday, 03 January 2025)

DebriefThis week’s Debrief features a fresh Silca x Chris McNally collaboration, the new Crust Bombora, PAUL's 2025 Ride to Work Challenge, two events to follow live, and more. Find it all here…

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Reader’s Rig: Hyun-Woo’s Sklar Hardtail [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:25 , Friday, 03 January 2025)

Sklar hardtailThis week's Reader's Rig comes from Hyun-Woo in South Korea, who shares the custom steel Sklar hardtail he built up for bikepacking adventures and cruising trails between home and the small cafe he owns in Seoul. Meet Hyun-Woo and check out his MTB here...

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Cracked: Stories from the Arizona Trail Race [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:00 , Friday, 03 January 2025)

cracked 2024 arizona trail raceDuring the Arizona Trail Race, racers can call in and leave messages with stories from the trail. Aaron Johnson’s new film “Cracked” is a compilation of those stories that examines how the 2024 event unfolded through the racers’ words. Watch the 40-minute film here…

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Editor’s Dozen: Lucas’s Favorite Gear and More of 2024 [BIKEPACKING.com] (07:37 , Friday, 03 January 2025)

Lucas 2024 Editor's DozenWrapping up our 2024 Editor’s Dozen posts, Lucas reflects on a busy year brimming with experiences and lessons and tries to pick out 12 things that made a difference. From bikes and bags to coffee, cameras, and a handful of intangible things, explore his complete collection of end-of-year favorites here…

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Thursday, 02 January 2025

Divisible By 5 [Tedium] (10:31 , Thursday, 02 January 2025)

Divisible By 5

Today in Tedium: If you let me get my Zager and Evans on for a moment: In the year 2025, it feels stressful and annoying to just get by. (And that’s not accounting for the existential dread that a significant part of the population is feeling about the political climate, which is the only thing we’re going to mention about it in this piece.) I don’t necessarily think I’m going to solve it with this post, but it is worth dwelling on. For the past 10 years I’ve done these lookahead posts, and often, they’re pretty silly. (We talk about wall calendars every year like Apple talks about California locations in different versions of MacOS.) But it’s a new year, and there has to be something to look forward to, right? Even in a year when Microsoft plans to take Windows 10 from millions of people with working computers, there has to be something optimistic about this climate that we can take away from this new year. Look ahead, we shall. Today’s Tedium tries making lemonade out of the lemons of 2025. — Ernie @ Tedium
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So, anyway, about those 2025 wall calendars … not looking so hot

Doing my traditional lookup/review of the new 2025 wall calendars did not do much to help me mitigate my existential feelings of dread.

In case you’re wondering how the wall calendar game is going, I did a search on Etsy for “AI calendar” and I was presented with a number of borderline-NSFW items that are so gross that I will not be sharing AI calendars from Etsy this year. They make Chicken Daddies look downright modest in comparison.

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This is what we spend our energy creating.

Amazon did have slightly better probably AI-generated wall calendars, that said. The company PIXILUV had a number of unusual options of the kind I expected to find at Etsy. The one that stood out to me was Gangster Cats At Bars, which I guess could be seen as an upgrade to the cat cafe of yore.

91 Rltgjb PQL SL1500
Admit it, you want to collect teapots now.

On the real-picture front, I have to call out this wall calendar based around collectible teapots. The concept raises the obvious question: Why buy the calendar? Why not just collect the teapots? Is this the calendar people buy when they are afraid they will destroy their teapots?

71uzt Ts Ru DL AC SL1080
Admit it, you want to collect abandoned mattresses now.

I don’t necessarily know what the opposite of a calendar of collectible teapots is, but I think a calendar of abandoned mattresses is probably as close as you might get. This is absolutely my wavelength and I believe this may be the perfect 2025 calendar to share with friends and loved ones.

81 P Riw H6fy L AC SL1500
The lyrics to “Danger Zone” never felt quite so apt.

I don’t think anyone was asking for a sequel to last year’s Kim Jong-Un novelty calendar, but we got one, complete with a seemingly random Top Gun theme. The same company makes a Trumpinator II calendar, in case you want a variation on a theme. Might I suggest just using your phone instead?

61 ODT Rr SIXL AC SL1500
Look down at your desk instead of up at your wall.

Maybe the best way to experience 2025 is not through wall calendars, but through notepad calendars. This is a legit thing that Amazon seems to have a number of—notepads that as the year goes on, expose an interesting visual design made out of paper. (This one was my favorite, but there are others.) If you ask me, it sure beats whatever the hell is happening on Etsy. (Seriously, someone check on our hand-crafted creators.)

These calendars are so bad that I feel like I might be motivated to make a calendar of my own sometime in the next decade. I know I’ve said this before, but someone email me in September so I can consider maybe doing something about it.

25

The traditional port for sending email over the Simple Mail Transfer Protocol (SMTP). First put into place in 1981 and based on concepts dating to the earliest days of ARPANET, SMTP is the primary protocol we use to send emails, though it is also capable of receiving emails. (Which means it is essential for sending people newsletters.) While the technology has evolved with the need for secure authentication, port 25 is still widely used—and after HTTP port 80, it may be the most widely used port on the internet.

Suckerpunch gourmet fl06 AH9eq0w unsplash 1
2025’s hottest trend. (Suckerpunch Pickles/Unsplash)

Five signs 2025 will be better than 2024

  1. Asymmetry is so hot right now. Throughout 2024, one of the biggest fashion trends that really took off was the idea of asymmetric clothing—that is, tops and bottoms that did not look roughly the same on both sides. I would like to argue that in 2025, we should expand this trend into other parts of life. Just because things have two sides doesn’t mean they always need to be equal. (Though let it be known that we enjoy our symmetry.)
  2. In Colorado, if you want eggs, they now have to be cage-free. A 2020 law that takes effect this week forces eggs in the state to be produced in a cage-free way.
  3. I guess pickles are trending? Pinterest has evolved in an utterly bizarre way, based on their Pinterest Predicts 2025 trend document, which suggests that people are looking for a pickle fix in 2025. Some of the other trends they caught include “rebel floats” (hipster cream soda, I guess?) and “castlecore.” I hope whoever runs the marketing team at Pinterest is getting paid a lot of money.
  4. California is getting cannabis cafés. Thanks, Gavin Newsom. Now let all the lame jokes about California being just like Amsterdam commence.
  5. There are signs that hope is still out there. Apparently not content to let Pinterest have all the weird 2025 predictions, GIPHY has a trend forecast of its own out right now, and it says one of its trending search terms at the moment is “hopecore,” a trend from Tiktok that has slowly come to spread on the broader internet. People want to be hopeful about something, and we should give it to them.
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The mountain is right behind you, ready to move, but you’re too scattered to see it. (twentyonekoalas/Unsplash)

The state of our Tedium in 2025 is going to be defined by focus, or lack thereof

It’s been five years since COVID-19 broke everything, and one of the things it broke is people’s brains. Not necessarily through the disease or anything, but because of the melding of work and home that loosely helped us keep it all together.

That’s right, we are as a society, struggling to focus. Maybe we always had it, but now we just notice it more because the structural norms that helped us focus are a lot harder to grab. Recently, a study came out that found, in Finland alone, Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) diagnoses doubled in the two primary years of the pandemic, with most age and gender groups seeing a sharp increase.

“Changes in social, occupational, and learning environments, such as loss of routines, lack of face-to-face contacts outside of home, increased demand for online activity, excessive screen time and digital media use, and reduced physical exercise, have appeared to contribute to the increase in ADHD symptoms in other populations,” the report, conducted by officials at the University of Helsinki and the Finnish Institute for Health and Welfare stated.

The phrase “brain fog” comes to mind, but I think it’s more than that. I think it’s also a reflection that a change in settings and norms created serious executive function challenges for people which were easier to mitigate when our routines were somewhat more normalized. The result is a sudden need for executive function coaching where there wasn’t one before and a tendency for so many things to get scatterbrained.

I feel it, and I’m sure a lot of you feel it, too. It has almost become a joke at this point for someone to say they struggle with ADHD since COVID-19 hit. Creators focused on ADHD have flourished; there is talk of the “ADHD tax,” to describe the challenges some people face in getting things done, to their financial peril. And yet, despite this sharp rise in ADHD diagnoses, there is a shortage of medication designed to help them with their executive function.

I don’t think ADHD is the whole enchilada here, to be clear, but I do think it points at something more generally. We struggle to put the pieces together in ways where it once was easy, for reasons related to technology and convenience. There were many things, good and bad, about what happened five years ago, but I think one of the biggest is that it threw a lot of us head-first into highly addictive machines that work against our best interests.

I won’t lie; I was feeling it in the midst of this redesign I put way too much energy into. Some people can switch gears like flipping a light switch; I can’t. Distraction is just a big challenge right now.

And I think that, for a lot of people, this high level of distraction is harming their ability to move mountains or collectively organize. It is easy to get caught in a do-nothing loop, even when you want more than anything else to do something, anything.

I don’t think the solution to this has to be, “Well, we need to put everyone back in an office again.” The gains in remote work are real and tangible and we should not lose them. However, I think that we need to get back to the place where social interaction is a driving factor behind the things that we do.

I get knee-deep in work sometimes, and I think that it can be to my peril. But when my mind is dedicated to something very important, I very much put the work in. I have more than 1,000 posts and a crazy visual rethink to show it.

But I know that, right now, it’s essential to get out of neutral if we’re going to move forward. We can move mountains if we put our minds to it, but when it feels like the spark plug of our brains isn’t exactly sparking the spark, there’s nothing wrong with asking a friend or two to help give you a push.

You will be better for it. And your friends will appreciate you for asking, if you are willing to offer the same to them.

I have some breaking news for you: At this exact moment, we are only 500 years away from the first portion of events of “In The Year 2525” by Zager and Evans, arguably the greatest one-hit wonder of all time.

The song covers a period of exactly 7,070 years, implying a complex discussion of what lies ahead for the human race (or as it refers to them in the lyrics, “If man is still alive/If woman can survive”).

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O4U78n4WmVo

It’s a song, at its root, about what happens when we let things get out of hand. It is also perhaps one of the few examples of a chart-topping hit that is straight-up science fiction, notably topping the charts during the original run of Star Trek. It may as well be a filk song.

We may be 500 years early to the rhetorical crux of the song, but it definitely speaks to the moment we’re living in. (Even if we’re not at the part where robots chew our foods for us and help us walk around.)

The reason, I think, comes down to the fact that, as a society, we could take the hand off the steering wheel really easily and just kind of float around directionless, not sure of what the future holds. I will admit that I have spent more than a few nights in the past six months or so staring at pointless videos on YouTube when I should have been doing something else.

But just because it’s easy to go rudderless doesn’t mean we are fated to do so.

Instead, this is an opportunity for a reset, to build according to our desires and interests. Just because we don’t know what’s coming next doesn’t mean that our own personal compass has to be broken in the process.

Anyway, since we’ve been talking about motivation or lack thereof, I think it’s useful to discuss what happened to Zager and Evans after their big hit disappeared from the charts. Zager used his chart success to start a custom-guitar firm. He essentially spent years trying to rebuild his guitar from scratch, with the goal of improving playability for new users, while building an educational approach to teaching guitar that helped to get new players going almost immediately. He’s still with us.

Evans, meanwhile, was a man known for his solitude, and seemed to understand himself as a misunderstood individual, someone who seemed to have lost motivation in the work needed for further success, as Lincoln Journal Star columnist L. Kent Wolgamott wrote upon his 2018 passing. A letter Evans sent in 1990 seemed to suggest that he knew his one hit was that fleeting moment where everyone “got” it:

Maybe nobody is understood except for occasional ‘understand bites.’ Example: you’re in a movie theater and something draws your audible response. Fifty others respond likewise. You’ve got a ‘we understand’ bite. Relish in it for the moment.

These contrasts are interesting: Zager built a successful business based on decades of hard work and motivation; Evans, who wrote the lyrics to the unusual song years before meeting his musical partner, seemed to check out of the mainstream, the lyrics of his most famous song reflecting a real frustration with what the world had become.

A song ultimately about flying rudderless was written by someone who, in the wake of its success, seemed rudderless on the surface.

I think that as we move into 2025 and beyond, we have to ensure that any individual success does not cost us access to our rudder. That we’re grounded in something and able to stay in control even as the ground beneath us shifts in ways that we cannot control.

If you don’t have that rudder, your goal in 2025 is to find it.

--

Find this one an interesting read? Share it with a pal! And thanks to Chattabox for sponsoring today’s issue.

This week has been a bit chaotic with the redesign; we’re going to start fresh next week and then roll back into our normal schedule. I promise the next post will be about something nerdy.

Omafiets’ Glow Worm Tunnel Ride: Bell to Newnes [BIKEPACKING.com] (10:23 , Thursday, 02 January 2025)

omafiets glow worm ride 2024With the main road into the Wolgan Valley closed to vehicles, the folks at Omafiets in Sydney jumped on the opportunity to organize a free group bikepacking trip, with one highlight being the Glow Worm Tunnel. Find a reflection from Omafiets owner Oliver Cashman and thoughts on why the route is an excellent introduction to Aussie bikepacking here...

The post Omafiets’ Glow Worm Tunnel Ride: Bell to Newnes appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

Bikes: The Perfect Solution to the Fuel Crisis? (Video) [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:54 , Thursday, 02 January 2025)

BBC WheelbaseOriginally aired on the BBC in December 1973, this recently resurfaced video from a half-century ago shines some light on the era's British bike culture. Host Michael Frostick takes a spin with Alex Moulton and offers a message that still rings true today. Watch it here...

The post Bikes: The Perfect Solution to the Fuel Crisis? (Video) appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

The New Rene Herse Corkscrew Climb Tire is Semi-Slick [BIKEPACKING.com] (09:00 , Thursday, 02 January 2025)

Rene Herse Corkscrew Climb TireDespite earlier doubts about the merits of semi-slick tires, Jan Heine and the team at Rene Herse Cycles spent the last three years trying to design one that they believe redefines the category. The result is the new 700 x 44mm Rene Herse Corkscrew Climb. See it here...

The post The New Rene Herse Corkscrew Climb Tire is Semi-Slick appeared first on BIKEPACKING.com.

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