This week, both our winners on the insightful side come in response to Tom Homan’s complaints about people calling ICE murderers. In first place, it’s Bloof with a translation of his words:
‘People need to be civil and helpful when masked thugs come for their friends and neighbours, and to just follow orders like good citizens. Don’t worry when they come for the communists, socialists, trade unionists and jews, there’ll be plenty of others on the list before you, honest.’
These people are terrified of their fellow citizens — because some of them happen to be brown or black or women or LGBTQ or pretty much anything. They’re shaking with fear; they’re cowards — to the bone. Which is of course why they mask their faces and wear body armor and carry lots of weapons: THEY’RE AFRAID.
So remember: when you see them, mock them. Insult them. Degrade them. Humiliate them. Because they deserve it.
Indeed. These people think respect comes with the job because they’re authoritarians trained to think authority is always legitimate so you should always respect the people above you. Just like they think being a white man automatically makes you the most qualified for every good job, so DEI hiring means you can’t be getting the best people. Because that’s actually the big joke of this: If they don’t like someone above them, they not only don’t get respect but are considered to have the job illegitimately.
The idea of earning respect seems impossible to them because they think fear and respect are the same things and not opposites. I’ve had several righties say this despite my best attempts to explain the difference. They were taught to fear authority and call it respect; then wonder why the people under them don’t like them. So much of what we see are emotionally repressed victims still traumatized by their mean parents and dumping that trauma on others. They were forced to fake maturity at a young age and never really grew up.
And yeah, Trump has been craving respect his whole life because his success is unearned and anyone with taste or brains knew he was a clown. Yet those are the people he wanted praise from and he loathes people who are submissive to him like MAGA because he doesn’t want to be the member of any club that would have a creep like him. He thought being called Mr. President would finally give him the admiration he needs and instead he just gets his handlers coddling him and telling him that all dissent is manufactured and his approval ratings are 1,600%. Sad!
I think this is a little unfair. Trump’s presidency has actually been the most transparent administration ever. Case in point, the Epstein files proved this when it was revealed that ███████ ████ █████ █████████ ██████ ██████ and ██████ █████████ █████████ █████ ██████ ███████.
I mean, the ███████ alone should be all the ██████ evidence you need.
Also, anyone who disagrees will be summarily ██████ ███ ██████ ██████.
For editor’s choice on the funny side, we start out with an anonymous comment about the pressure ICE faces:
You just don’t know what it’s like to walk the streets as an ICE agent. The person you’re walking by could pull out A PHONE and aim it at you. Some of these phones have FULLY AUTOMATIC recording with UNLIMITED DATA STREAMING plans.
And we’re not even talking about people in shadowy windows with zoom lenses. Last week I heard about an agent who was just minding their business, kicking in some 110 pound teenager’s head, when he saw the glint of a 700mm f/8 Canon aimed at him. Never saw the shot coming.
With frost, grit, and a handful of firsts, the 2026 Fat Pursuit featured minus-degree starts, fresh snow, and a brand-new 30K distance. Find details about Katie Strempke and John Phelps powering through the 200K, meet the event’s first adaptive cyclist, and relive the ramen-fueled checkpoints and Dr. Seuss trees of Two Top Mountain in a brilliant photo gallery by Eddie Clark...
When you watch a big Tour or head to a local gravel race, you’re likely to see only carbon bikes. If you’re lucky, there may a titanium frame or two at the local race. On mainstream cycling websites, it’s the same: carbon everywhere, at least as far as performance bikes are concerned. If steel bikes are mentioned at all, they are presented as an oddball choice for the ‘proud to go slow’ crowd: a novelty intended to amuse us, but not a bike for ‘serious’ riders. (We think that there’s merit in riding slow or fast or anywhere in between, and we also think that all riders should be taken seriously.)
Car racing is different in that respect. Yes, Formula 1 race cars are all carbon. But what about the amazing Trophy Trucks (above) that tackle the rough terrain of the Baja 1000 at incredible speeds? They are made from steel tubes underneath the plastic bodies. If steel is still a viable choice for the toughest car races, can it also hold its own in the cycling world?
Dominic (Dom) Thomas (center) certainly thinks so. He’s the founder and head designer at Fairlight. To prove the point, he has updated their all-road bike, the Strael 4.0. The frame is ultralight, made from custom-drawn steel tubing. Modular dropouts and cable guides adapt the bike to different shifters and brakes without leaving unsightly ’empty’ guides. There are braze-ons for racks and fenders, even guides and tunnels for generator lighting wires. A lot of thought has gone into making this bike work in the real world. In fact, this bike’s predecessor has won the Transcontinental Race—twice. The specs look promising, and so we asked Dom for a test bike.
Companies are often reluctant to send a bike to Bicycle Quarterly. That’s understandable: Not only do we push test bikes to their limits—our reports could be called ‘honest’ rather than ‘diplomatic.’ When a bike doesn’t meet the marketing claims, we owe it to you, our readers, to say so. Otherwise, you might spend thousands of your hard-earned on a bike that’ll disappoint. We appreciate that there are different bikes for different customers and riding styles: Our goal is to provide all the information you need to make your own decision on whether a bike will be right for you.
Dom clearly has a lot of confidence in his bikes: He sent us their top-spec bike, equipped with the latest Dura-Ace! In the metal—it’s steel, so we can actually use that term—the Strael 4.0 is even more impressive than in the photos. We start with the ritual of picking up the bike: Our test bike weighs just 9.1 kg (20.0 lb) as you see it above, with pedals and bottle cages. For a steel bike, that’s seriously light, especially for a true all-road bike with 38 mm tires (and a comfortable leather saddle).
The frame is beautifully made, with smooth welds and shaped tubing that helps achieve the light weight and pass EN impact tests. Those tests stress bikes in ways that aren’t always realistic, but production bikes sold in Europe have to pass them. The shaped tubes give the Strael 4.0 a modern appearance. If you squint, this steel bike looks a lot like a modern carbon frame: blade-like top tube, beefy down tube and massive chainstays.
So it’s an impressive bike, and just as impressive is the price—just £1,250 for frame and fork. In U.S. dollars, that’s about $1,675 (before tariffs). In fact, the weight of the Strael 4.0 is competitive with carbon bikes in the same price range: You can move up one grade on the components with the money you’ve saved on the frame.
Specs and looks are one thing—what matters is how a bike rides. And that’s just as impressive: During our test rides, the Strael 4.0 just disappeared—in a good way. It handled with confidence and precision. It came out ahead in numerous city limit sprints. It kept up with fast-paced groups on long and steep climbs. In fact, it felt so good that we wondered: What if we compared it directly with our favorite carbon road bike, the OPEN MIN.D.?
Of course, physics tells us that the carbon bike—equipped with Campagnolo Super Record and ultralight wheels—will have an edge on hills and in sprints. After all, it weighs 1.6 kg (3.7 lb) less than the already lightweight Fairlight. (It also costs more than twice as much.)
That’s undisputed, but we also know that weight alone doesn’t determine a bike’s performance. After all, two full water bottles only marginally slow down a bike that’s an excellent performer.
Here’s what we wanted to know: If you showed up on the Fairlight for a spirited ride, a randonneur brevet, or even an amateur race, would you give up anything to your buddies on their ultralight carbon bikes?
Enter Bicycle Quarterly’s second tester Mark VdK. By a fluke of nature, our bodies could be those of identical twins: same height, same build, same weight, same power (give or take a few percent depending on our current form). We’ll switch bikes multiple times during our test ride—and quickly determine how they are different and which performs better for us. If one bike is always ahead, no matter who rides it, then it’s faster. If the same rider is always a bit faster, then he’s just having a good day. Even then, we’ll see whether the gap is the same on both bikes—or whether one bike keeps up better, while the other falls behind further.
To test the bikes to the max, we head to the toughest road climb in the Seattle area: Zoo Hill. This steep road up Cougar Mountain climbs 300 m (1,000 ft) over its 3.6-km (2.2-mile) ascent. The road twists and turns, with constantly changing gradients that often exceed 16%. It’s a miniature mountain pass—a true test of bikes and riders alike. It’s also one of our favorite training routes, so we’re intimately familiar with this climb—and how a good bike feels here.
Of course, climbing is only one element of a great bike’s performance. Road bikes also need to be excellent descenders. And Zoo Hill is even more challenging going down than up.
We’re in for a treat, not just because we’ll find out how good the Fairlight Strael 4.0 really is, but also because we’ll have a lot of fun!
The full test is in the current Bicycle Quarterly. The article extends over 18 pages: There’s all the detail you’ll want to know. With every bike test, we also include two pages with comments from the bike’s builder or designer, so you can read their perspective. I find it fascinating to read the behind-the-scenes story, and Dom’s story doesn’t disappoint. This also gives the maker an opportunity to disagree with what we’ve found—fortunately not necessary in this case. Our goal is simple: to give you the complete story.
Our award-winning photography contributes to making the reviews a fun read—even if you’re not in the market for a new bike. (Why do most bike reviews show static photos or models riding the bikes who are clearly not the testers?) It may sound crazy to pit a steel bike against a carbon racer, but that’s what we do: finding answers to questions nobody else is asking yet.
Now we’re already working on the next edition of Bicycle Quarterly, with Natsuko’s story of her new gravel bike. Why is it so hard to build a bike for a not-so-tall rider? How did she solve those issues? And how does a modern gravel race bike feel to a rider who doesn’t care about speed, but who enjoys “the feeling of the bike helping me a little”?
To read both tests—and all the other articles in the current and future editions of Bicycle Quarterly—please subscribe today. We’re preparing another mailing next week, and we’d love to include your copy. We think you’ll enjoy reading about real people riding real bikes on real courses, rather than about marginal gains of aero-shaped headset spacers and other things that are easy to write about, but matter little in the real world where we actually ride our bikes.
When you watch a big Tour or head to a local gravel race, you’re likely to see only carbon bikes. If you’re lucky, there may a titanium frame or two at the local race. On mainstream cycling websites, it’s the same: carbon everywhere, at least as far as performance bikes are concerned. If steel bikes are mentioned at all, they are presented as an oddball choice for the ‘proud to go slow’ crowd: a novelty intended to amuse us, but not a bike for ‘serious’ riders. (We think that there’s merit in riding slow or fast or anywhere in between, and we also think that all riders should be taken seriously.)
Car racing is different in that respect. Yes, Formula 1 race cars are all carbon. But what about the amazing Trophy Trucks (above) that tackle the rough terrain of the Baja 1000 at incredible speeds? They are made from steel tubes underneath the plastic bodies. If steel is still a viable choice for the toughest car races, can it also hold its own in the cycling world?
Dominic (Dom) Thomas (center) certainly thinks so. He’s the co-founder and head designer at Fairlight. To prove the point, he has updated their all-road bike, the Strael 4.0. The frame is ultralight, made from custom-drawn steel tubing. Modular dropouts and cable guides adapt the bike to different shifters and brakes without leaving unsightly ’empty’ guides. There are braze-ons for racks and fenders, even guides and tunnels for generator lighting wires. A lot of thought has gone into making this bike work in the real world. In fact, this bike’s predecessor has won the Transcontinental Race—twice. The specs look promising, and so we asked Dom for a test bike.
Companies are often reluctant to send a bike to Bicycle Quarterly. That’s understandable: Not only do we push test bikes to their limits—our reports could be called ‘honest’ rather than ‘diplomatic.’ When a bike doesn’t meet the marketing claims, we owe it to you, our readers, to say so. Otherwise, you might spend thousands of your hard-earned on a bike that’ll disappoint. We appreciate that there are different bikes for different customers and riding styles: Our goal is to provide all the information you need to make your own decision on whether a bike will be right for you.
Dom clearly has a lot of confidence in his bikes: He sent us their top-spec bike, equipped with the latest Dura-Ace! In the metal—it’s steel, so we can actually use that term—the Strael 4.0 is even more impressive than in the photos. We start with the ritual of picking up the bike: Our test bike weighs just 9.1 kg (20.0 lb) as you see it above, with pedals and bottle cages. For a steel bike, that’s seriously light, especially for a true all-road bike with 38 mm tires (and a comfortable leather saddle).
The frame is beautifully made, with smooth welds and shaped tubing that helps achieve the light weight and pass EN impact tests. Those tests stress bikes in ways that aren’t always realistic, but production bikes sold in Europe have to pass them. The shaped tubes give the Strael 4.0 a modern appearance. If you squint, this steel bike looks a lot like a modern carbon frame: blade-like top tube, beefy down tube and massive chainstays.
So it’s an impressive bike, and just as impressive is the price—just £1,250 for frame and fork. In U.S. dollars, that’s about $1,675 (before tariffs). In fact, the weight of the Strael 4.0 is competitive with carbon bikes in the same price range: You can move up one grade on the components with the money you’ve saved on the frame.
Specs and looks are one thing—what matters is how a bike rides. And that’s just as impressive: During our test rides, the Strael 4.0 just disappeared—in a good way. It handled with confidence and precision. It came out ahead in numerous city limit sprints. It kept up with fast-paced groups on long and steep climbs. In fact, it felt so good that we wondered: What if we compared it directly with our favorite carbon road bike, the OPEN MIN.D.?
Of course, physics tells us that the carbon bike—equipped with Campagnolo Super Record and ultralight wheels—will have an edge on hills and in sprints. After all, it weighs 1.6 kg (3.7 lb) less than the already lightweight Fairlight. (It also costs more than twice as much.) The OPEN is a beautiful piece of sculpture. Sprinting out of the saddle, it rockets forward thanks to its ultralight frame and wheels.
All that’s undisputed, but we also know that weight alone doesn’t determine a bike’s performance. After all, two full water bottles only marginally slow down a bike that’s an excellent performer.
Here’s what we wanted to know: If you showed up on the Fairlight for a spirited ride, a randonneur brevet, or even an amateur race, would you give up anything to your buddies on their ultralight carbon bikes?
Enter Bicycle Quarterly’s second tester Mark VdK. By a fluke of nature, our bodies could be those of identical twins: same height, same build, same weight, same power (give or take a few percent depending on our current form). We’ll switch bikes multiple times during our test ride—and quickly determine how they are different and which performs better for us. If one bike is always ahead, no matter who rides it, then it’s faster. If the same rider is always a bit faster, then he’s just having a good day. Even then, we’ll see whether the gap is the same on both bikes—or whether one bike keeps up better, while the other falls behind further.
To test the bikes to the max, we head to the toughest road climb in the Seattle area: Zoo Hill. This steep road up Cougar Mountain climbs 300 m (1,000 ft) over its 3.6-km (2.2-mile) ascent. The road twists and turns, with constantly changing gradients that often exceed 16%. It’s a miniature mountain pass—a true test of bikes and riders alike. It’s also one of our favorite training routes, so we’re intimately familiar with this climb—and how a good bike feels here.
Of course, climbing is only one element of a great bike’s performance. Road bikes also need to be excellent descenders. And Zoo Hill is even more challenging going down than up.
We’re in for a treat, not just because we’ll find out how good the Fairlight Strael 4.0 really is, but also because we’ll have a lot of fun!
The full test is in the current Bicycle Quarterly. The article extends over 18 pages: There’s all the detail you’ll want to know. With every bike test, we also include two pages with comments from the bike’s builder or designer, so you can read their perspective. I find it fascinating to read the behind-the-scenes story, and Dom’s story doesn’t disappoint. This also gives the maker an opportunity to disagree with what we’ve found—fortunately not necessary in this case. Our goal is simple: to give you the complete story.
Our award-winning photography contributes to making the reviews a fun read—even if you’re not in the market for a new bike. (Why do most bike reviews show static photos or models riding the bikes who are clearly not the testers?) It may sound crazy to pit a steel bike against a carbon racer, but that’s what we do: finding answers to questions nobody else is asking yet.
Now we’re already working on the next edition of Bicycle Quarterly, with Natsuko’s story of her new gravel bike. Why is it so hard to build a bike for a not-so-tall rider? How did she solve those issues? And how does a modern gravel race bike feel to a rider who doesn’t care about speed, but who enjoys “the feeling of the bike helping me a little”?
To read both tests—and all the other articles in the current and future editions of Bicycle Quarterly—please subscribe today. We’re preparing another mailing next week, and we’d love to include your copy. We think you’ll enjoy reading about real people riding real bikes on real courses, rather than about marginal gains of aero-shaped headset spacers and other things that are easy to write about, but matter little in the real world where we actually ride our bikes.
In a move likely to be welcomed by users of streaming
video services,
Robert Nagy (robert@)
has
added a
port for
OpenWV (a free and
open-source reimplementation of
Google's Widevine
CDM),
and
enabled
its use with the chromium port:
A few months ago a professor at the University of Sheffield where I work gave me and some colleagues a couple of boxes of expired film, which were owned by his father. Most of them were black and white, 35mm, and all had expiry dates over 20 years ago but had been kept in the...
Here’s a visual look at Saturday’s inauguration of Virginia’s 75th governor, Abigail Spanberger.
Former governors
Virginia governors, from left, George Allen, Terry McAuliffe, Jim Gilmore, Doug Wilder, Glenn Younkin, Abigail Spanberger, Tim Kaine, Mark Warner, Bob McDonnell and Ralph Northam pose for a photo Saturday before Spanberger was sworn in as the 75th governor of Virginia during the Inauguration ceremonies at the State Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Bob Brown.
One of Virginia’s traditions is a photo line-up of the outgoing governor, the incoming governor and all the living former governors. Only Charles Robb, who was governor from 1982-86, was absent.
The key ceremony
Gov. Glenn Youngkin hands a key to the Executive Mansion to Gov.-Elect Abigail Spanberger on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Glenn Youngkin hands a key to the Executive Mansion to Gov.-Elect Abigail Spanberger. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Another Virginia tradition is the “key ceremony,” where the outgoing governor presents the incoming governor with the key to the Executive Mansion. In recent years, the key has become a key card. Outgoing Gov. Glenn Youngkin referred to a “mishap” four years ago when Gov. Ralph Northam’s dog chewed the key card before the handover. This year, Youngkin presented Abigail Spanberger with both a key card and a ceremonial key. That’s what she’s reacting to in the first photo above.
The master of ceremonies
House Speaker Don Scott, D-Portsmouth, speaks to the crowd during Inauguration Day. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Technically, the inauguration is conducted as part of a joint session of the General Assembly that must be called to order and then adjourned with all the usual parliamentary procedure. Presiding over inaugurations is the speaker of the House, currently Don Scott of Portsmouth. The standard protocol is for participants to wear “morning wear,” a formal style of clothing that often includes a top hat for men. Scott went without the top hat, but Adam Spanberger, the new governor’s husband, doffed one.
The soon-to-be officeholders arrive at the Capitol
Attorney General-elect Jay Jones arrives with his family before Saturday’s inauguration at the Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press.Lt. Gov.-elect Ghazala Hashmi and her husband, Azhar Rafiq, arrive for the inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press.Gov.-elect Abigail Spanberger arrives for inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol in Richmond on Saturday. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press.Gov.-Elect Abigail Spanberger greets Gov. Glenn Youngkin at the Capitol on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
The soon-to-be officeholders
Gov. Abigail Spanberger sits with her husband, Adam Spanberger, during Saturday’s inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press.
Here’s Adam Spanberger with his top hat as the ceremonies get underway.
Ceremonies
Girl Scouts recite the Pledge of Allegiance during the inauguration ceremony at the Capitol on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov.-Elect Abigail Spanberger holds her hand over her heart during the inauguration. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Video of the oath ceremonies
Jay Jones is sworn in as attorney general by his mother, Norfolk Juvenile and Domestic Relations Judge Lyn Simmons. Video by Elizabeth Beyer.Ghazala Hashmi is sworn in as lieutenant governor by Cleo Powell, chief justice of the Virginia Supreme Court. Video by Elizabeth Beyer.Abigail Spanberger is sworn in as governor by Bill Mims, a senior justice of the Virginia Supreme Court. Video by Elizabeth Beyer.
Attorney General Jay Jones is sworn in. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
There is no standard protocol for who swears in whom. Over the years, officeholders have picked the judges who administer the oath, often with symbolism or family connections in mind.
Jay Jones was sworn in by his mother, Norfolk Juvenile and Domestic Relations Judge Lyn Simmons. As he was getting in place, she could be heard to ask him: “Are you ready, baby?”
Lt. Gov. Ghazala Hashmi is sworn in. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Ghazala Hashmi was sworn in by Cleo Powell, the chief justice of the Virginia Supreme Court. The first Muslim woman to be elected to any statewide office in the United States, Hashmi was sworn in on her family Quran and an original version of the U.S. Constitution printed in 1799 on loan from the Virginia Museum of History and Culture in Richmond.
Spanberger was sworn in by Bill Mims, a senior justice of the Virginia Supreme Court. A former Republican attorney general and state legislator from Loudoun County, Mims had become friends with Spanberger over the years.
Spanberger becomes Virginia’s 75th governor at 12:33 p.m.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger is sworn in on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf. Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Military salute to the new governor
Military jets fly over the Virginia State Capitol during inauguration day ceremonies on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
After a new governor is sworn in, the Virginia National Guard fires off a ceremonial 19-gun salute with cannons on the state Capitol grounds and a military flyover. State police had advised that the loud sounds might activate car alarms and building alarms in downtown Richmond.
The former governor exits
Rep. Rob Wittman, R-Westmoreland County, left, shakes hands with outgoing Gov. Glenn Younkin, center, as he and his wife, Suzanne Youngkin, leave the South Portico of the State Capitol. Photo by Bob Brown.
By tradition, Virginia’s outgoing governor exits the ceremony before the inaugural address.
The inaugural address
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her inauguration Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her inauguration Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her inauguration Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd Saturday during her inauguration. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her inauguration Saturday at the Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
New Gov. Abigail Spanberger, right, kisses her husband, Adam Spanberger, after being sworn in as the 75th governor of Virginia on Saturday. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger, right, and her husband, Adam Spanberger, watch the inaugural parade on Saturday. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger, right, and her husband, Adam Spanberger, watch the inaugural parade on Saturday. Photo by Bob Brown
New Virginia Attorney General Jay Jones, right, and wife, Mavis Jones, during the inauguration ceremonies on Saturday in Richmond. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger embraces Lt. Gov. Ghazala Hashmi during Saturday’s inaugural festivities on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger embraces Attorney General Jay Jones during the inaugural ceremonies on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger waves to the crowd on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Indigenous blessing
New Gov. Abigail Spanberger, background, watches as representatives of Virginia’s Native American tribes perform during the inaugural ceremonies. Photo by Bob Brown.
Virginia’s Native American tribes traditionally offer a ceremonial blessing for the new governor.
More song
ADAMS BEAT performs “This Land is Your Land” on inauguration day at the Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Inaugural parade
Gov. Abigail Spanberger looks on as dancers perform on inauguration day at the Capitol on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger, left, watches as a group from Diversity Richmond and Virginia Pride march by during the inaugural ceremonies on Saturday. Photo by Bob Brown
Girl Scouts from across Virginia marched in the parade following the inauguration Saturday. Photo by Samantha Verrelli.
The Crooked Road Marching String Band participates in the governor’s inaugural parade Saturday in Richmond. Photo by Tad Dickens.
For more on the inaugural parade, see the story by Cardinal’s Tad Dickens.
Family reaction
Gov. Abigail Spanberger and her daughters look on as the parade goes by on inauguration day at the Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger stands with her family as the inaugural parade goes by on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger stands with her family during the inaugural parade on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger kisses her daughter Catherine after being sworn in Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov.-elect Abigail Spanberger, left, gets a hug from her mom, Eileen Davis, before being sworn in as the 75th governor of Virginia. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger waves as the inaugural parade goes by on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Tuckered out
For a few minutes after the inauguration, new Gov. Abigail Spanberger and her husband, Adam Spanberger, sit in the Jefferson Room in the state Capitol with their daughters Charlotte and Claire, stretched out on the floor, and Catherine, foreground. Photo by Bob Brown.
Getting down to business
New Gov. Abigail Spanberger, seated, prepares to sign her first executive order, surrounded by members of her Cabinet, Attorney General Jay Jones and Lt. Gov. Ghazala Hashmi. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger, seated, signs her first executive order, surrounded by members of her Cabinet, Attorney General Jay Jones , left, and Lt. Gov. Ghazala Hashmi. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger signs an executive order on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
The first order of business for new governors is to sign multiple executive orders. Spanberger’s were more substantive than most. For more on those, see this story by Cardinal’s Elizabeth Beyer.
Inaugural ball
Dave Matthews performs at the inaugural ball. Photo by Bob Brown
Dave Matthews performs at the inaugural ball. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger (left); daughters Catherine, Charlotte and Claire; and husband Adam Spanberger at the inaugural ball. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger at the inaugural ball. Photo by Bob Brown.
Adam Spanberger hands the microphone to Gov. Abigail Spanberger. Photo by Bob Brown.
Part of the crowd at the inaugural ball. Photo by Bob Brown.
The evening concluded with the inaugural ball, where the main musical guest was Charlottesville-based Dave Matthews.
Here’s a visual look at Saturday’s inauguration of Virginia’s 75th governor, Abigail Spanberger.
Former governors
Virginia governors, from left, George Allen, Terry McAuliffe, Jim Gilmore, Doug Wilder, Glenn Younkin, Abigail Spanberger, Tim Kaine, Mark Warner, Bob McDonnell and Ralph Northam pose for a photo Saturday before Spanberger was sworn in as the 75th governor of Virginia during the Inauguration ceremonies at the State Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Bob Brown.
One of Virginia’s traditions is a photo line-up of the outgoing governor, the incoming governor and all the living former governors. Only Charles Robb, who was governor from 1982-86, was absent.
The key ceremony
Gov. Glenn Youngkin hands a key to the Executive Mansion to Gov.-Elect Abigail Spanberger on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Glenn Youngkin hands a key to the Executive Mansion to Gov.-Elect Abigail Spanberger. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Another Virginia tradition is the “key ceremony,” where the outgoing governor presents the incoming governor with the key to the Executive Mansion. In recent years, the key has become a key card. Outgoing Gov. Glenn Youngkin referred to a “mishap” four years ago when Gov. Ralph Northam’s dog chewed the key card before the handover. This year, Youngkin presented Abigail Spanberger with both a key card and a ceremonial key. That’s what she’s reacting to in the first photo above.
The master of ceremonies
House Speaker Don Scott, D-Portsmouth, speaks to the crowd during Inauguration Day. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Technically, the inauguration is conducted as part of a joint session of the General Assembly that must be called to order and then adjourned with all the usual parliamentary procedure. Presiding over inaugurations is the speaker of the House, currently Don Scott of Portsmouth. The standard protocol is for participants to wear “morning wear,” a formal style of clothing that often includes a top hat for men. Scott went without the top hat, but Adam Spanberger, the new governor’s husband, doffed one.
The soon-to-be officeholders arrive at the Capitol
Attorney General-elect Jay Jones arrives with his family before Saturday’s inauguration at the Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press.Lt. Gov.-elect Ghazala Hashmi and her husband, Azhar Rafiq, arrive for the inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press.Gov.-elect Abigail Spanberger arrives for inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol in Richmond on Saturday. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press.Gov.-Elect Abigail Spanberger greets Gov. Glenn Youngkin at the Capitol on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.Gov. Abigail Spanberger sits with her husband, Adam Spanberger, during Saturday’s inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press.
Here’s Adam Spanberger with his top hat as the ceremonies get underway.
Ceremonies
Girl Scouts recite the Pledge of Allegiance during the inauguration ceremony at the Capitol on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov.-Elect Abigail Spanberger holds her hand over her heart during the inauguration. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Video of the oath ceremonies
Jay Jones is sworn in as attorney general by his mother, Norfolk Juvenile and Domestic Relations Judge Lyn Simmons. Video by Elizabeth Beyer.Ghazala Hashmi is sworn in as lieutenant governor by Cleo Powell, chief justice of the Virginia Supreme Court. Video by Elizabeth Beyer.Abigail Spanberger is sworn in as governor by Bill Mims, a senior justice of the Virginia Supreme Court. Video by Elizabeth Beyer.
Attorney General Jay Jones is sworn in. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
There is no standard protocol for who swears in whom. Over the years, officeholders have picked the judges who administer the oath, often with symbolism or family connections in mind.
Jay Jones was sworn in by his mother, Norfolk Juvenile and Domestic Relations Judge Lyn Simmons. As he was getting in place, she could be heard to ask him: “Are you ready, baby?”
Lt. Gov. Ghazala Hashmi is sworn in. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Ghazala Hashmi was sworn in by Cleo Powell, the chief justice of the Virginia Supreme Court. The first Muslim woman to be elected to any statewide office in the United States, Hashmi was sworn in on her family Quran and an original version of the U.S. Constitution printed in 1799 on loan from the Virginia Museum of History and Culture in Richmond.
Spanberger was sworn in by Bill Mims, a senior justice of the Virginia Supreme Court. A former Republican attorney general and state legislator from Loudoun County, Mims had become friends with Spanberger over the years.
Spanberger becomes Virginia’s 75th governor at 12:33 p.m.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger is sworn in on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf. Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Military salute to the new governor
Military jets fly over the Virginia State Capitol during inauguration day ceremonies on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
After a new governor is sworn in, the Virginia National Guard fires off a ceremonial 19-gun salute with cannons on the state Capitol grounds and a military flyover. State police had advised that the loud sounds might activate car alarms and building alarms in downtown Richmond.
The former governor exits
Rep. Rob Wittman, R-Westmoreland County, left, shakes hands with outgoing Gov. Glenn Younkin, center, as he and his wife, Suzanne Youngkin, leave the South Portico of the State Capitol. Photo by Bob Brown.
By tradition, Virginia’s outgoing governor exits the ceremony before the inaugural address.
The inaugural address
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her inauguration Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her inauguration Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her inauguration Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd Saturday during her inauguration. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her inauguration Saturday at the Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
New Gov. Abigail Spanberger, right, kisses her husband, Adam Spanberger, after being sworn in as the 75th governor of Virginia on Saturday. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger, right, and her husband, Adam Spanberger, watch the inaugural parade on Saturday. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger, right, and her husband, Adam Spanberger, watch the inaugural parade on Saturday. Photo by Bob Brown
New Virginia Attorney General Jay Jones, right, and wife, Mavis Jones, during the inauguration ceremonies on Saturday in Richmond. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger embraces Lt. Gov. Ghazala Hashmi during Saturday’s inaugural festivities on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger embraces Attorney General Jay Jones during the inaugural ceremonies on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger waves to the crowd on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Indigenous blessing
New Gov. Abigail Spanberger, background, watches as representatives of Virginia’s Native American tribes perform during the inaugural ceremonies. Photo by Bob Brown.
Virginia’s Native American tribes traditionally offer a ceremonial blessing for the new governor.
More song
ADAMS BEAT performs “This Land is Your Land” on inauguration day at the Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Inaugural parade
Gov. Abigail Spanberger looks on as dancers perform on inauguration day at the Capitol on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger, left, watches as a group from Diversity Richmond and Virginia Pride march by during the inaugural ceremonies on Saturday. Photo by Bob Brown
Girl Scouts from across Virginia marched in the parade following the inauguration Saturday. Photo by Samantha Verrelli.
The Crooked Road Marching String Band participates in the governor’s inaugural parade Saturday in Richmond. Photo by Tad Dickens.
For more on the inaugural parade, see the story by Cardinal’s Tad Dickens.
Family reaction
Gov. Abigail Spanberger and her daughters look on as the parade goes by on inauguration day at the Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger stands with her family as the inaugural parade goes by on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger stands with her family during the inaugural parade on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger kisses her daughter Catherine after being sworn in Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov.-elect Abigail Spanberger, left, gets a hug from her mom, Eileen Davis, before being sworn in as the 75th governor of Virginia. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger waves as the inaugural parade goes by on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Tuckered out
For a few minutes after the inauguration, new Gov. Abigail Spanberger and her husband, Adam Spanberger, sit in the Jefferson Room in the state Capitol with their daughters Charlotte and Claire, stretched out on the floor, and Catherine, foreground. Photo by Bob Brown.
Getting down to business
New Gov. Abigail Spanberger, seated, prepares to sign her first executive order, surrounded by members of her Cabinet, Attorney General Jay Jones and Lt. Gov. Ghazala Hashmi. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger, seated, signs her first executive order, surrounded by members of her Cabinet, Attorney General Jay Jones , left, and Lt. Gov. Ghazala Hashmi. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger signs an executive order on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
The first order of business for new governors is to sign multiple executive orders. Spanberger’s were more substantive than most. For more on those, see this story by Cardinal’s Elizabeth Beyer.
Inaugural ball
Dave Matthews performs at the inaugural ball. Photo by Bob Brown
Dave Matthews performs at the inaugural ball. Photo by Bob Brown.
Dave Mathews performs at the Inaugural Ball inside the Main Street Station in Richmond, VA Saturday, Jan. 17, 2026. Photo by Bob Brown
Dave Mathews addresses the crowd before performing at the Inaugural Ball inside the Main Street Station in Richmond, VA Saturday, Jan. 17, 2026. Photo by Bob Brown
Gov. Abigail Spanberger (left); daughters Catherine, Charlotte and Claire; and husband Adam Spanberger at the inaugural ball. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger at the inaugural ball. Photo by Bob Brown.
Adam Spanberger hands the microphone to Gov. Abigail Spanberger. Photo by Bob Brown.
New Virginia Governor Abigail Spanberger, right, and First Gentleman Adam Spanberber, second from right, along with daughters, from left, Catherine, Charlotte and Claire, at the Inaugural Ball inside the Main Street Station in Richmond, VA Saturday, Jan. 17, 2026. Photo by Bob Brown
New Virginia Governor Abigail Spanberger addresses the crowd at the Inaugural Ball inside the Main Street Station in Richmond, VA Saturday, Jan. 17, 2026. Photo by Bob Brown
New Virginia Governor Abigail Spanberger, right, and First Gentleman Adam Spanberber, center, react as they watch Dave Mathews perform at the Inaugural Ball inside the Main Street Station in Richmond, VA Saturday, Jan. 17, 2026. Photo by Bob Brown
New Virginia Governor Abigail Spanberger, right, and First Gentleman Adam Spanberber, center, react as they watch Dave Mathews, left, perform at the Inaugural Ball inside the Main Street Station in Richmond, VA Saturday, Jan. 17, 2026. Photo by Bob Brown
New Virginia Governor Abigail Spanberger, right, and First Gentleman Adam Spanberber, center, react as they watch Dave Mathews perform at the Inaugural Ball inside the Main Street Station in Richmond, VA Saturday, Jan. 17, 2026. Photo by Bob Brown
Part of the crowd at the inaugural ball. Photo by Bob Brown.
The evening concluded with the inaugural ball, where the main musical guest was Charlottesville-based Dave Matthews.
Here’s a visual look at Saturday’s inauguration of Virginia’s 75th governor, Abigail Spanberger.
Former governors
Virginia governors, from left, George Allen, Terry McAuliffe, Jim Gilmore, Doug Wilder, Glenn Younkin, Abigail Spanberger, Tim Kaine, Mark Warner, Bob McDonnell and Ralph Northam pose for a photo Saturday before Spanberger was sworn in as the 75th governor of Virginia during the Inauguration ceremonies at the State Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Bob Brown.
One of Virginia’s traditions is a photo line-up of the outgoing governor, the incoming governor and all the living former governors. Only Charles Robb, who was governor from 1982-86, was absent.
The key ceremony
Gov. Glenn Youngkin hands a key to the Executive Mansion to Gov.-Elect Abigail Spanberger on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Glenn Youngkin hands a key to the Executive Mansion to Gov.-Elect Abigail Spanberger. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Another Virginia tradition is the “key ceremony,” where the outgoing governor presents the incoming governor with the key to the Executive Mansion. In recent years, the key has become a key card. Outgoing Gov. Glenn Youngkin referred to a “mishap” four years ago when Gov. Ralph Northam’s dog chewed the key card before the handover. This year, Youngkin presented Abigail Spanberger with both a key card and a ceremonial key. That’s what she’s reacting to in the first photo above.
The master of ceremonies
House Speaker Don Scott, D-Portsmouth, speaks to the crowd during Inauguration Day. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Technically, the inauguration is conducted as part of a joint session of the General Assembly that must be called to order and then adjourned with all the usual parliamentary procedure. Presiding over inaugurations is the speaker of the House, currently Don Scott of Portsmouth. The standard protocol is for participants to wear “morning wear,” a formal style of clothing that often includes a top hat for men. Scott went without the top hat, but Adam Spanberger, the new governor’s husband, doffed one.
The soon-to-be officeholders arrive at the Capitol
Attorney General-elect Jay Jones arrives with his family before Saturday’s inauguration at the Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press.Lt. Gov.-elect Ghazala Hashmi and her husband, Azhar Rafiq, arrive for the inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press.Gov.-elect Abigail Spanberger arrives for inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol in Richmond on Saturday. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press.Gov.-Elect Abigail Spanberger greets Gov. Glenn Youngkin at the Capitol on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.Gov. Abigail Spanberger sits with her husband, Adam Spanberger, during Saturday’s inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press.
Here’s Adam Spanberger with his top hat as the ceremonies get underway.
Ceremonies
Girl Scouts recite the Pledge of Allegiance during the inauguration ceremony at the Capitol on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov.-Elect Abigail Spanberger holds her hand over her heart during the inauguration. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Video of the oath ceremonies
Jay Jones is sworn in as attorney general by his mother, Norfolk Juvenile and Domestic Relations Judge Lyn Simmons. Video by Elizabeth Beyer.Ghazala Hashmi is sworn in as lieutenant governor by Cleo Powell, chief justice of the Virginia Supreme Court. Video by Elizabeth Beyer.Abigail Spanberger is sworn in as governor by Bill Mims, a senior justice of the Virginia Supreme Court. Video by Elizabeth Beyer.
Attorney General Jay Jones is sworn in. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
There is no standard protocol for who swears in whom. Over the years, officeholders have picked the judges who administer the oath, often with symbolism or family connections in mind.
Jay Jones was sworn in by his mother, Norfolk Juvenile and Domestic Relations Judge Lyn Simmons. As he was getting in place, she could be heard to ask him: “Are you ready, baby?”
Lt. Gov. Ghazala Hashmi is sworn in. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Ghazala Hashmi was sworn in by Cleo Powell, the chief justice of the Virginia Supreme Court. The first Muslim woman to be elected to any statewide office in the United States, Hashmi was sworn in on her family Quran and an original version of the U.S. Constitution printed in 1799 on loan from the Virginia Museum of History and Culture in Richmond.
Spanberger was sworn in by Bill Mims, a senior justice of the Virginia Supreme Court. A former Republican attorney general and state legislator from Loudoun County, Mims had become friends with Spanberger over the years.
Spanberger becomes Virginia’s 75th governor at 12:33 p.m.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger is sworn in on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf. Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Military salute to the new governor
Military jets fly over the Virginia State Capitol during inauguration day ceremonies on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
After a new governor is sworn in, the Virginia National Guard fires off a ceremonial 19-gun salute with cannons on the state Capitol grounds and a military flyover. State police had advised that the loud sounds might activate car alarms and building alarms in downtown Richmond.
The former governor exits
Rep. Rob Wittman, R-Westmoreland County, left, shakes hands with outgoing Gov. Glenn Younkin, center, as he and his wife, Suzanne Youngkin, leave the South Portico of the State Capitol. Photo by Bob Brown.
By tradition, Virginia’s outgoing governor exits the ceremony before the inaugural address.
The inaugural address
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her inauguration Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her inauguration Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her inauguration Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd Saturday during her inauguration. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her inauguration Saturday at the Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
New Gov. Abigail Spanberger, right, kisses her husband, Adam Spanberger, after being sworn in as the 75th governor of Virginia on Saturday. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger, right, and her husband, Adam Spanberger, watch the inaugural parade on Saturday. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger, right, and her husband, Adam Spanberger, watch the inaugural parade on Saturday. Photo by Bob Brown
New Virginia Attorney General Jay Jones, right, and wife, Mavis Jones, during the inauguration ceremonies on Saturday in Richmond. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger embraces Lt. Gov. Ghazala Hashmi during Saturday’s inaugural festivities on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger embraces Attorney General Jay Jones during the inaugural ceremonies on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger waves to the crowd on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Indigenous blessing
New Gov. Abigail Spanberger, background, watches as representatives of Virginia’s Native American tribes perform during the inaugural ceremonies. Photo by Bob Brown.
Virginia’s Native American tribes traditionally offer a ceremonial blessing for the new governor.
More song
ADAMS BEAT performs “This Land is Your Land” on inauguration day at the Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Inaugural parade
Gov. Abigail Spanberger looks on as dancers perform on inauguration day at the Capitol on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger, left, watches as a group from Diversity Richmond and Virginia Pride march by during the inaugural ceremonies on Saturday. Photo by Bob Brown
Girl Scouts from across Virginia marched in the parade following the inauguration Saturday. Photo by Samantha Verrelli.
The Crooked Road Marching String Band participates in the governor’s inaugural parade Saturday in Richmond. Photo by Tad Dickens.
For more on the inaugural parade, see the story by Cardinal’s Tad Dickens.
Family reaction
Gov. Abigail Spanberger and her daughters look on as the parade goes by on inauguration day at the Capitol in Richmond. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger stands with her family as the inaugural parade goes by on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger stands with her family during the inaugural parade on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger kisses her daughter Catherine after being sworn in Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Gov.-elect Abigail Spanberger, left, gets a hug from her mom, Eileen Davis, before being sworn in as the 75th governor of Virginia. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger waves as the inaugural parade goes by on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Tuckered out
For a few minutes after the inauguration, new Gov. Abigail Spanberger and her husband, Adam Spanberger, sit in the Jefferson Room in the state Capitol with their daughters Charlotte and Claire, stretched out on the floor, and Catherine, foreground. Photo by Bob Brown.
Getting down to business
New Gov. Abigail Spanberger, seated, prepares to sign her first executive order, surrounded by members of her Cabinet, Attorney General Jay Jones and Lt. Gov. Ghazala Hashmi. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger, seated, signs her first executive order, surrounded by members of her Cabinet, Attorney General Jay Jones , left, and Lt. Gov. Ghazala Hashmi. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger signs an executive order on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
The first order of business for new governors is to sign multiple executive orders. Spanberger’s were more substantive than most. For more on those, see this story by Cardinal’s Elizabeth Beyer.
Inaugural ball
Dave Matthews performs at the inaugural ball. Photo by Bob Brown
Dave Matthews performs at the inaugural ball. Photo by Bob Brown.
Dave Mathews performs at the Inaugural Ball inside the Main Street Station in Richmond, VA Saturday, Jan. 17, 2026. Photo by Bob Brown
Dave Mathews addresses the crowd before performing at the Inaugural Ball inside the Main Street Station in Richmond, VA Saturday, Jan. 17, 2026. Photo by Bob Brown
Gov. Abigail Spanberger (left); daughters Catherine, Charlotte and Claire; and husband Adam Spanberger at the inaugural ball. Photo by Bob Brown.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger at the inaugural ball. Photo by Bob Brown.
Adam Spanberger hands the microphone to Gov. Abigail Spanberger. Photo by Bob Brown.
New Virginia Governor Abigail Spanberger, right, and First Gentleman Adam Spanberber, second from right, along with daughters, from left, Catherine, Charlotte and Claire, at the Inaugural Ball inside the Main Street Station in Richmond, VA Saturday, Jan. 17, 2026. Photo by Bob Brown
New Virginia Governor Abigail Spanberger addresses the crowd at the Inaugural Ball inside the Main Street Station in Richmond, VA Saturday, Jan. 17, 2026. Photo by Bob Brown
New Virginia Governor Abigail Spanberger, right, and First Gentleman Adam Spanberber, center, react as they watch Dave Mathews perform at the Inaugural Ball inside the Main Street Station in Richmond, VA Saturday, Jan. 17, 2026. Photo by Bob Brown
New Virginia Governor Abigail Spanberger, right, and First Gentleman Adam Spanberber, center, react as they watch Dave Mathews, left, perform at the Inaugural Ball inside the Main Street Station in Richmond, VA Saturday, Jan. 17, 2026. Photo by Bob Brown
New Virginia Governor Abigail Spanberger, right, and First Gentleman Adam Spanberber, center, react as they watch Dave Mathews perform at the Inaugural Ball inside the Main Street Station in Richmond, VA Saturday, Jan. 17, 2026. Photo by Bob Brown
Part of the crowd at the inaugural ball. Photo by Bob Brown.
The evening concluded with the inaugural ball, where the main musical guest was Charlottesville-based Dave Matthews.
As psychedelic folk music swirled through the air on Friday at Richmond’s 17th Street Market, Mary Arritt and J.J. Price discussed leather handbags.
Price, from Callaway, makes them. Arritt, from North Chesterfield, likes them.
“I like anything that’s locally made, regionally made,” she said.
Price, with his wife, Kathy, had plenty of handmade purses, clutches, wallets and other bags on offer. Their business, JP’s Custom Leatherworks, was among 42 from across the commonwealth for the Made in Virginia Market, part of Gov. Abigail Spanberger’s inaugural weekend celebration.
JP’s represented Southwest Virginia, as did Roanoke-based Hmble Hstle Clothing and the Star City’s Girl Scouts of Virginia Skyline Council. The latter was slinging Girl Scout Cookies. On Saturday, another Southwest Virginia business — Washington County-based Squabble State — had three hard ciders on tap at the inaugural ball.
Kathy Price found information about the event on a website and passed it along to her husband, a Roanoke firefighter who makes his station’s personal protective gear.
“They were looking for Virginia-made stuff,” J.J. Price said, as Richmond band Holy River played live in the background. “And she knows how I am all about American-made. If I can buy American-made hardware, our bags would be 100% American made, but you can’t get it.”
He began making purses when he saw the high prices for name-brand ones that his daughter, then 15, wanted for a present. After he made hers, her friends wanted some for themselves.
“It grew into a real business,” he said as he stood among his handiwork on the market at Shockoe Bottom. He and Kathy Price saw plenty of customers, handed out cards and, they hoped, drummed up some future customers.
“Most everybody that comes in and looks, you know, they didn’t come here with $300 in their pocket to spend,” but the exposure is valuable too, he said.
Hmble Hstle Clothing’s Xavier Duckett shows some of his products to a potential customer at the Made in Virginia Market at Richmond’s 17th Street Market, part of Gov. Abigail Spanberger’s inaugural weekend celebration. Photo by Samantha Verrelli.
A few spaces from him, Hmble Hstle’s Xavier Duckett plied his streetwear, including ball caps and bags. Duckett said he learned about the Made in Virginia Market event through Hmble Hstle’s association with the Virginia Tourism Corp.
“It’s definitely an honor to get in front of more people,” he said. “I’m all about the exposure, all about getting smaller businesses more exposure to a diverse walk of life.”
Inaugural ball attendees on Saturday night had dozens of libations to choose from. Three of them, hard ciders Everyday Apple, Commonwealth Citrus and Backyard Berry, came from Squabble State — a name inspired by surveying disagreements of the 1700s where Virginia bordered what is now Tennessee.
Will Payne, who, with Will Clear, owns the orchard and cidery on a 68-acre farm which Payne said is minutes from downtown Bristol and the Hard Rock Hotel & Casino, said that Spanberger visited the site Oct. 2 during her campaign’s bus tour, staying to meet the team, learn about production and taste some of what was on tap.
“She asked thoughtful questions about our orchard, how we make cider, and the real challenges small businesses face in Southwest Virginia,” Payne said in an email exchange. “After that visit, we followed up with her team and were proud to be included in the Inaugural Ball as part of a tap wall celebrating Virginia-made craft beverages.”
He said the hard ciders reflect the “unity, fun, affordability and a sincere focus on people” that characterized Spanberger’s campaign. Folks were likely to drink to that at the ball on Saturday.
Reporter Samantha Verrelli contributed to this story.
As psychedelic folk music swirled through the air on Friday at Richmond’s 17th Street Market, Mary Arritt and J.J. Price discussed leather handbags.
Price, from Callaway, makes them. Arritt, from North Chesterfield, likes them.
“I like anything that’s locally made, regionally made,” she said.
Price, with his wife, Kathy, had plenty of handmade purses, clutches, wallets and other bags on offer. Their business, JP’s Custom Leatherworks, was among 42 from across the commonwealth for the Made in Virginia Market, part of Gov. Abigail Spanberger’s inaugural weekend celebration.
JP’s represented Southwest Virginia, as did Roanoke-based Hmble Hstle Clothing and the Star City’s Girl Scouts of Virginia Skyline Council. The latter was slinging Girl Scout Cookies. On Saturday, another Southwest Virginia business — Washington County-based Squabble State — had three hard ciders on tap at the inaugural ball.
Kathy Price found information about the event on a website and passed it along to her husband, a Roanoke firefighter who makes his station’s personal protective gear.
“They were looking for Virginia-made stuff,” J.J. Price said, as Richmond band Holy River played live in the background. “And she knows how I am all about American-made. If I can buy American-made hardware, our bags would be 100% American made, but you can’t get it.”
He began making purses when he saw the high prices for name-brand ones that his daughter, then 15, wanted for a present. After he made hers, her friends wanted some for themselves.
“It grew into a real business,” he said as he stood among his handiwork on the market at Shockoe Bottom. He and Kathy Price saw plenty of customers, handed out cards and, they hoped, drummed up some future customers.
“Most everybody that comes in and looks, you know, they didn’t come here with $300 in their pocket to spend,” but the exposure is valuable too, he said.
Hmble Hstle Clothing’s Xavier Duckett shows some of his products to a potential customer at the Made in Virginia Market at Richmond’s 17th Street Market, part of Gov. Abigail Spanberger’s inaugural weekend celebration. Photo by Samantha Verrelli.
A few spaces from him, Hmble Hstle’s Xavier Duckett plied his streetwear, including ball caps and bags. Duckett said he learned about the Made in Virginia Market event through Hmble Hstle’s association with the Virginia Tourism Corp.
“It’s definitely an honor to get in front of more people,” he said. “I’m all about the exposure, all about getting smaller businesses more exposure to a diverse walk of life.”
Inaugural ball attendees on Saturday night had dozens of libations to choose from. Three of them, hard ciders Everyday Apple, Commonwealth Citrus and Backyard Berry, came from Squabble State — a name inspired by surveying disagreements of the 1700s where Virginia bordered what is now Tennessee.
Will Payne, who, with Will Clear, owns the orchard and cidery on a 68-acre farm which Payne said is minutes from downtown Bristol and the Hard Rock Hotel & Casino, said that Spanberger visited the site Oct. 27 during her campaign’s bus tour, staying to meet the team, learn about production and taste some of what was on tap.
“She asked thoughtful questions about our orchard, how we make cider, and the real challenges small businesses face in Southwest Virginia,” Payne said in an email exchange. “After that visit, we followed up with her team and were proud to be included in the Inaugural Ball as part of a tap wall celebrating Virginia-made craft beverages.”
He said the hard ciders reflect the “unity, fun, affordability and a sincere focus on people” that characterized Spanberger’s campaign. Folks were likely to drink to that at the ball on Saturday.
Reporter Samantha Verrelli contributed to this story.
Sue Sprano spent most of her 23 years as a teacher focused on Virginia history. She taught students about the first governor, “some good governors and some bad governors” in between and the first Black governor in Virginia.
Now she can tell students about Abigail Spanberger, the first woman elected governor of Virginia.
Girls and women like Sprano came to Richmond from across Southwest Virginia to witness the historic event firsthand on Saturday.
Sprano has been the school librarian at Spiller Elementary School in Wythe County for five years, after two decades of teaching.
“I am just so excited that our state is finally making this history-changing moment,” Sprano said in an interview prior to the inauguration weekend. “I have two teenage daughters, and I am just so excited that every little girl can see that they can do whatever they want to do, and there is no stopping them.”
She only had one ticket for the inauguration ceremony, but plans to bring her daughters to the Executive Mansion open house on Sunday so they can still experience the weekend, she said.
Spanberger’s three daughters sat behind her during her speech, beaming at her, as Spanberger addressed the historical importance of her election.
“On these steps, Virginia’s suffragists brought their cause to the General Assembly, session after session, decade after decade,” she said. “And though these brave women were voted down, time and time again, they refused to give up.”
Sue Sprano, a school librarian from Wythe County, attended the inauguration Saturday. Photo by Samantha Verrelli.
Sprano, who said this was the first inauguration she has attended, said she’s worried about issues affecting women, like “our freedom to choose what we do with our bodies.”
She said while she likes to keep politics out of her conversations with students, she’ll definitely teach them about Spanberger — especially with Women’s History Month coming up in March.
Some kids at her school, Sprano said, are told things at home that “are not the way things are really done in democracy and in the government.”
“I try to be truthful with them and explain to them that there are politicians there that are working hard to make their lives better and to make Virginia a better place,” she said.
Sprano said later that she was “stunned” as she sat in the stands, watching the inauguration.
“She’s not afraid to say what she thinks. And I appreciate that,” Sprano said. “It was just wonderful.”
Nikki Williams, chief executive officer of the Girl Scouts of Virginia Skyline, which covers the southwest part of the commonwealth, said the experience of being at the inauguration was educational “in and of itself” for the girls.
More than 200 Girl Scouts from across the state marched in the parade following the inauguration, and scouts from Southwest Virginia ran a booth during the Made in Virginia Market on Friday afternoon.
Girl Scouts from across Virginia marched in the parade following the inauguration Saturday. Photo by Samantha Verrelli.
London Graham, a 9-year-old scout from Dublin, helped sell cookies at the market.
She said her favorite part of the Girl Scouts is selling cookies to make money to go on trips, like a recent trip she went on to a water park in Massanutten. When asked if she might like to be governor one day, she grinned shyly and nodded.
Williams said Spanberger has been “incredibly supportive” of the Girl Scouts, as she was a troop leader herself and her daughters were involved in Scouting.
She said the Girl Scouts can earn democracy badges and participate in Advocacy Day, where they learn about public policy and the government.
Participating in the inauguration weekend helps the girls understand “how connected we all are,” Williams said. “It really is united in all of Virginia and allows us to be a part of that, and feel like we’re all one big family.”
Nikki Williams, CEO of Girl Scouts of Virginia Skyline, helps the scouts make a sale at the Made in Virginia Market on Friday. Photo by Samantha Verrelli.
Meghan Carty, who lives in Bristol, said in an interview Wednesday that she’d be traveling almost five hours to witness the inauguration in person.
“I’ve been there and experienced it,” she said of events like this one, “and then looked at how the TV portrayed it and it’s just not the same. There’s just something really magical when you’re at an event and to feel all the excitement of the crowd. The excitement of a woman taking the highest office in our state is something you can’t really experience on TV.”
She compared that excitement to watching a favorite football team win the playoffs.
Carty brought her 13-year-old daughter, Caroline, who loves learning about history. This will be a memory “she can take with her forever,” Carty said.
Meghan Carty and her daughter, Caroline, from Bristol, attended the inauguration on Saturday. Photo courtesy of Meghan Carty.
“I work in a predominantly male industry, and those glass ceilings are really hard to break,” she said.
Carty said her daughter recently told her that during the election cycle, a boy at school said he didn’t want to have a woman as Virginia’s governor. Carty said she wishes the political landscape weren’t so “divisive.”
“I try to teach my kids to not demonize people for their beliefs,” Carty said. “Sometimes I think when we look and see where someone is coming from, it might make more sense and we can compromise more.”
Standing beneath the stage where Spanberger had been inaugurated just an hour before, Carty and Caroline were excited to have been in the stands when the new governor took her oath.
“It was amazing,” Carty said. “And I thought it would be a lot bigger. So it made it feel even more special.”
“It’s really exciting,” Caroline agreed, nodding and smiling as her mother spoke about the day.
As soon as Gov. Abigail Spanberger was sworn in as Virginia’s 75th governor, the National Guard fired off the traditional 19-gun cannon salute. State police had issued an advisory that the ceremonial booms from the howitzers might be loud enough to activate car alarms and building alarms in downtown Richmond.
There’s no word on how far away the guns could be heard, but Spanberger’s inaugural address that followed included a sustained and unmistakable rhetorical shot at President Donald Trump.
“I know many of you are worried about the recklessness coming out of Washington,” Spanberger said. “You are worried about policies that are hurting our communities — cutting health care access, imperiling rural hospitals and driving up costs. You are worried about Washington policies that are closing off markets, hurting innovation and private industry, and attacking those who have devoted their lives to public service.”
If that wasn’t clear enough, there was more: “You are worried about an administration that is gilding buildings while schools crumble, breaking the social safety net and sowing fear across our communities — betraying the values of who we are as Americans, the very values we celebrate here on these steps.”
It was a theme Spanberger returned to later in the speech: “And in Virginia, our hardworking, law-abiding immigrant neighbors will know that when we say — we’ll focus on the security and safety of all of our neighbors, we mean them, too.”
The crowd in attendance at the State Capitol cheered those words loudly, and Spanberger’s delivery made it clear those weren’t throwaway lines. We’ll see in the days, weeks and months ahead how those lines resonate across the Potomac with a president who takes some things very personally.
The remarkable thing is that Spanberger didn’t have to say those words, so they seem akin to laying down a marker.
I’d divide her speech (you can read the full text here) into four parts:
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks during inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol in Richmond on Saturday. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press, pool.
1) There was the standard call for unity, which probably every governor delivers. Maybe her quoting Patrick Henry — “Let us not split into factions which must destroy that union upon which our existence hangs” — lands differently in these hyperpartisan times, but calling for unity seems pretty boilerplate in an inaugural address.
Former Gov. Douglas Wilder waves during Virginia Gov. Abigail Spanberger’s inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol in Richmond Saturday. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press, pool.
2) She delivered a history lesson that ran from the American Revolution through the 19th Amendment that gave women the right to vote, the 1965 Civil Rights Act and the election of Douglas Wilder as governor, placing her status as the first woman to assume the governorship in a long line of breakthroughs. When she quoted Linwood Holton, the first Republican governor since the tumult after the Civil War, his daughter, Anne Holton, appeared to tear up. When she referenced Wilder, “who changed what so many of our fellow citizens believed was even possible,” the state’s first Black governor (who turned 95 on Saturday) rose to acknowledge the crowd. Probably all Virginia governors have acknowledged the state’s long history; Spanberger’s acknowledgment was different but not unexpected under the circumstances.
Governor Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her Inauguration Day at the Virginia Capitol Building Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf/Richmond Times-Dispatch. Pool photo.
3) She touched briefly and generally on her policies. “We will tackle the high cost of housing … we will work to lower energy costs … and we will contend with an impending health care crisis.” Again, this is pretty standard. Inaugural addresses are not policy speeches; they are more florid, philosophical statements. In another quirk of the Virginia system, Spanberger will get another chance to speak on Monday, when she addresses the General Assembly — the second time in less than a week that legislators will have heard from a governor, just different ones. Those addresses tend to go into more detail, such as her fleeting reference to show she wants “high energy users [to] pay their fair share.” Those “high energy users” include data centers.
Governor Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her Inauguration Day at the Virginia Capitol Building Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf/Richmond Times-Dispatch. Pool photo.
4) That leaves the fourth, and most unusual, part of her address, the Trump-related part, although she never mentioned Trump by name.
Spanberger does not seem to be looking for a fight with Trump, but she certainly seemed to signal she’s not afraid of one. There may be sufficient opportunities.
Trump has tried to shut down Dominion Energy’s offshore wind project off the coast of Virginia Beach; a federal judge on Friday granted a preliminary injunction to allow the work to resume, but that’s unlikely to be the end of the matter. (Disclosure: Dominion is one of our donors, but donors have no say in news decisions; see our policy.) For a governor who used her inaugural address to restate her campaign pledge to produce more energy, getting that energy project up and running will need to be a priority — otherwise, ratepayers will be stuck paying for wind turbines that aren’t producing a single kilowatt, which definitely won’t meet her goal of lowering energy prices.
On Friday, the Trump administration sued Virginia for access to its voter rolls, which the administration says is necessary to identify any fraud, but which some states have said would force them to disclose personal information such as Social Security numbers. The Trump administration is also engaged in negotiations with George Mason University over a federal investigation into various practices at the school. And then, of course, there’s immigration.
Spanberger’s remarks come in the shadow of the tumult in Minneapolis, where federal agents shot and killed an unarmed woman and the Department of Justice is now investigating both the Minnesota governor and the Minneapolis mayor. Richmond has been awash in rumors that the Trump administration will target Virginia for increased enforcement by Immigration and Customs Enforcement once a Democratic governor takes office. On Friday, the vice chair of the Henrico County Board of Supervisors warned of “increased ICE activity” in her county. Spanberger followed talk with action. As promised, as one of her first executive orders, she rescinded one of now-former Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s orders: State and local law enforcement are no longer required to enforce federal immigration laws.
Spanberger’s Trump-related comments could cut several ways. They could trigger a president who is prone to being triggered by criticism. They could also serve as a warning.
Spanberger, whose background is in law enforcement, including service as a case officer for the Central Intelligence Agency, does not seem to lack a spine. Whatever you think of her policies, she does not seem like a governor to be trifled with. Even before she took office, she had done something unprecedented: She’d sent word that she wanted five members of the University of Virginia’s Board of Visitors to resign so she could appoint a majority — and three immediately did. That board has been involved in controversy since last summer, when the Trump administration helped force out the school’s president. Spanberger’s call for some board members to resign wasn’t a surprise, given that she’d said the board shouldn’t hire a new president until she’d taken office (it did anyway), but it does stand out in history. Two previous governors faced controversies involving state universities: Gerald Baliles with Virginia Tech in 1987 and Bob McDonnell with the University of Virginia in 2012. Baliles invited board members to resign if they weren’t prepared to value academics over athletics, McDonnell threatened to demand resignations if board members didn’t resolve a botched presidential firing, but neither actually got to the point of insisting on resignations. Spanberger did — before she even took office.
As his first official act, Jones issues redistricting opinion
The new attorney general, Jay Jones, moved fast, too. He immediately issued a formal opinion that mid-cycle redistricting that Democrats in the General Assembly want to pull off is lawful. Jones moved so fast that the opinion was written on letterhead that still had his predecessor’s name. He also announced multiple lawsuits that he would have his office join.
A few hours after being sworn in, Spanberger signed 10 executive orders. New governors typically do that, but hers were more substantive than recent ones we’ve seen. Besides the order related to immigration enforcement, she set up a state task force to “coordinate a statewide response to federal workforce reductions, funding cuts, tariffs, and immigration impacts” and set in motion reviews of regulations that deter housing construction and how university board members are appointed. (For more on the executive orders, see Elizabeth Beyer’s story on the subject.) Shortly after that, she did something else no modern governor has: She moved to assert control over the three state schools that have sparked the most controversy and/or conflict with the Trump administration. In all, she named 27 people to college boards of visitors — 12 at George Mason University, 10 at the University of Virginia, five at Virginia Military Institute. Among those she named to the VMI board: former Gov. Ralph Northam, a VMI grad.
I wrote last week that Spanberger — who has never served in state government — has surrounded herself with Cabinet members who have long experience in Richmond, which would enable her to move quickly. Nothing I’ve seen or heard so far challenges that observation. On the contrary, her moves regarding the University of Virginia, the tone of her inaugural address and the substance of her executive orders only underscore it. I suspect the political forecast (and the pace of change) may be the same as the weather forecast: Expect things in Richmond to be brisk.
Spanberger’s board appointments
BOARD OF VISITORS OF GEORGE MASON UNIVERSITY
Anne Altman
Bruce Caswell
Shawn N. Chambliss-Purvis
Tom Davis
Paul Misener
Trevor Montano
Jim Moran
Delbert Parks
George Schindler
Sumeet Shrivastava
Sean Spence
Jennifer Taylor
BOARD OF VISITORS OF UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA & AFFILIATED SCHOOLS
Mike Bisceglia
Carlos Brown
Robert Bryon
Peter Grant
Owen Griffin
Victoria Harker
Elizabeth Hayes
Rudene Mercer Haynes
Evans Poston
Moshin Syed
BOARD OF VISITORS OF VIRGINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE
Michael Dick
Don Hall
Lester Johnson
Governor Ralph Northam
Allen Damon Williams
Want more political news and insights? Keep up with what’s happening in Richmond by signing up for our daily newsletter or our weekly political newsletter, West of the Capital.
As soon as Gov. Abigail Spanberger was sworn in as Virginia’s 75th governor, the National Guard fired off the traditional 19-gun cannon salute. State police had issued an advisory that the ceremonial booms from the howitzers might be loud enough to activate car alarms and building alarms in downtown Richmond.
There’s no word on how far away the guns could be heard, but Spanberger’s inaugural address that followed included a sustained and unmistakable rhetorical shot at President Donald Trump.
“I know many of you are worried about the recklessness coming out of Washington,” Spanberger said. “You are worried about policies that are hurting our communities — cutting health care access, imperiling rural hospitals and driving up costs. You are worried about Washington policies that are closing off markets, hurting innovation and private industry, and attacking those who have devoted their lives to public service.”
If that wasn’t clear enough, there was more: “You are worried about an administration that is gilding buildings while schools crumble, breaking the social safety net and sowing fear across our communities — betraying the values of who we are as Americans, the very values we celebrate here on these steps.”
It was a theme Spanberger returned to later in the speech: “And in Virginia, our hardworking, law-abiding immigrant neighbors will know that when we say — we’ll focus on the security and safety of all of our neighbors, we mean them, too.”
The crowd in attendance at the State Capitol cheered those words loudly, and Spanberger’s delivery made it clear those weren’t throwaway lines. We’ll see in the days, weeks and months ahead how those lines resonate across the Potomac with a president who takes some things very personally.
The remarkable thing is that Spanberger didn’t have to say those words, so they seem akin to laying down a marker.
I’d divide her speech (you can read the full text here) into four parts:
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks during inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol in Richmond on Saturday. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press, pool.
1) There was the standard call for unity, which probably every governor delivers. Maybe her quoting Patrick Henry — “Let us not split into factions which must destroy that union upon which our existence hangs” — lands differently in these hyperpartisan times, but calling for unity seems pretty boilerplate in an inaugural address.
Former Gov. Douglas Wilder waves during Virginia Gov. Abigail Spanberger’s inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol in Richmond Saturday. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press, pool.
2) She delivered a history lesson that ran from the American Revolution through the 19th Amendment that gave women the right to vote, the 1965 Civil Rights Act and the election of Douglas Wilder as governor, placing her status as the first woman to assume the governorship in a long line of breakthroughs. When she quoted Linwood Holton, the first Republican governor since the tumult after the Civil War, his daughter, Anne Holton, appeared to tear up. When she referenced Wilder, “who changed what so many of our fellow citizens believed was even possible,” the state’s first Black governor (who turned 95 on Saturday) rose to acknowledge the crowd. Probably all Virginia governors have acknowledged the state’s long history; Spanberger’s acknowledgment was different but not unexpected under the circumstances.
Governor Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her Inauguration Day at the Virginia Capitol Building Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf/Richmond Times-Dispatch. Pool photo.
3) She touched briefly and generally on her policies. “We will tackle the high cost of housing … we will work to lower energy costs … and we will contend with an impending health care crisis.” Again, this is pretty standard. Inaugural addresses are not policy speeches; they are more florid, philosophical statements. In another quirk of the Virginia system, Spanberger will get another chance to speak on Monday, when she addresses the General Assembly — the second time in less than a week that legislators will have heard from a governor, just different ones. Those addresses tend to go into more detail, such as her fleeting reference to show she wants “high energy users [to] pay their fair share.” Those “high energy users” include data centers.
Governor Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her Inauguration Day at the Virginia Capitol Building Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf/Richmond Times-Dispatch. Pool photo.
4) That leaves the fourth, and most unusual, part of her address, the Trump-related part, although she never mentioned Trump by name.
Spanberger does not seem to be looking for a fight with Trump, but she certainly seemed to signal she’s not afraid of one. There may be sufficient opportunities.
Trump has tried to shut down Dominion Energy’s offshore wind project off the coast of Virginia Beach; a federal judge on Friday granted a preliminary injunction to allow the work to resume, but that’s unlikely to be the end of the matter. (Disclosure: Dominion is one of our donors, but donors have no say in news decisions; see our policy.) For a governor who used her inaugural address to restate her campaign pledge to produce more energy, getting that energy project up and running will need to be a priority — otherwise, ratepayers will be stuck paying for wind turbines that aren’t producing a single kilowatt, which definitely won’t meet her goal of lowering energy prices.
On Friday, the Trump administration sued Virginia for access to its voter rolls, which the administration says is necessary to identify any fraud, but which some states have said would force them to disclose personal information such as Social Security numbers. The Trump administration is also engaged in negotiations with George Mason University over a federal investigation into various practices at the school. And then, of course, there’s immigration.
Spanberger’s remarks come in the shadow of the tumult in Minneapolis, where federal agents shot and killed an unarmed woman and the Department of Justice is now investigating both the Minnesota governor and the Minneapolis mayor. Richmond has been awash in rumors that the Trump administration will target Virginia for increased enforcement by Immigration and Customs Enforcement once a Democratic governor takes office. On Friday, the vice chair of the Henrico County Board of Supervisors warned of “increased ICE activity” in her county. Spanberger followed talk with action. As promised, as one of her first executive orders, she rescinded one of now-former Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s orders: State and local law enforcement are no longer required to enforce federal immigration laws.
Spanberger’s Trump-related comments could cut several ways. They could trigger a president who is prone to being triggered by criticism. They could also serve as a warning.
Spanberger, whose background is in law enforcement, including service as a case officer for the Central Intelligence Agency, does not seem to lack a spine. Whatever you think of her policies, she does not seem like a governor to be trifled with. Even before she took office, she had done something unprecedented: She’d sent word that she wanted five members of the University of Virginia’s Board of Visitors to resign so she could appoint a majority — and three immediately did. That board has been involved in controversy since last summer, when the Trump administration helped force out the school’s president. Spanberger’s call for some board members to resign wasn’t a surprise, given that she’d said the board shouldn’t hire a new president until she’d taken office (it did anyway), but it does stand out in history. Two previous governors faced controversies involving state universities: Gerald Baliles with Virginia Tech in 1987 and Bob McDonnell with the University of Virginia in 2012. Baliles invited board members to resign if they weren’t prepared to value academics over athletics, McDonnell threatened to demand resignations if board members didn’t resolve a botched presidential firing, but neither actually got to the point of insisting on resignations. Spanberger did — before she even took office.
As his first official act, Jones issues redistricting opinion
The new attorney general, Jay Jones, moved fast, too. He immediately issued a formal opinion that mid-cycle redistricting that Democrats in the General Assembly want to pull off is lawful. Jones moved so fast that the opinion was written on letterhead that still had his predecessor’s name. He also announced multiple lawsuits that he would have his office join.
A few hours after being sworn in, Spanberger signed 10 executive orders. New governors typically do that, but hers were more substantive than recent ones we’ve seen. Besides the order related to immigration enforcement, she set up a state task force to “coordinate a statewide response to federal workforce reductions, funding cuts, tariffs, and immigration impacts” and set in motion reviews of regulations that deter housing construction and how university board members are appointed. (For more on the executive orders, see Elizabeth Beyer’s story on the subject.) Shortly after that, she did something else no modern governor has: She moved to assert control over the three state schools that have sparked the most controversy and/or conflict with the Trump administration. In all, she named 27 people to college boards of visitors — 12 at George Mason University, 10 at the University of Virginia, five at Virginia Military Institute. Among those she named to the VMI board: former Gov. Ralph Northam, a VMI grad.
I wrote last week that Spanberger — who has never served in state government — has surrounded herself with Cabinet members who have long experience in Richmond, which would enable her to move quickly. Nothing I’ve seen or heard so far challenges that observation. On the contrary, her moves regarding the University of Virginia, the tone of her inaugural address and the substance of her executive orders only underscore it. I suspect the political forecast (and the pace of change) may be the same as the weather forecast: Expect things in Richmond to be brisk.
Spanberger’s board appointments
BOARD OF VISITORS OF GEORGE MASON UNIVERSITY
Anne Altman
Bruce Caswell
Shawn N. Chambliss-Purvis
Tom Davis
Paul Misener
Trevor Montano
Jim Moran
Delbert Parks
George Schindler
Sumeet Shrivastava
Sean Spence
Jennifer Taylor
BOARD OF VISITORS OF UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA & AFFILIATED SCHOOLS
Mike Bisceglia
Carlos Brown
Robert Bryon
Peter Grant
Owen Griffin
Victoria Harker
Elizabeth Hayes
Rudene Mercer Haynes
Evans Poston
Moshin Syed
BOARD OF VISITORS OF VIRGINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE
Michael Dick
Don Hall
Lester Johnson
Governor Ralph Northam
Allen Damon Williams
Want more political news and insights? Keep up with what’s happening in Richmond by signing up for our daily newsletter or our weekly political newsletter, West of the Capital.
As soon as Gov. Abigail Spanberger was sworn in as Virginia’s 75th governor, the National Guard fired off the traditional 19-gun cannon salute. State police had issued an advisory that the ceremonial booms from the howitzers might be loud enough to activate car alarms and building alarms in downtown Richmond.
There’s no word on how far away the guns could be heard, but Spanberger’s inaugural address that followed included a sustained and unmistakable rhetorical shot at President Donald Trump.
“I know many of you are worried about the recklessness coming out of Washington,” Spanberger said. “You are worried about policies that are hurting our communities — cutting health care access, imperiling rural hospitals and driving up costs. You are worried about Washington policies that are closing off markets, hurting innovation and private industry, and attacking those who have devoted their lives to public service.”
If that wasn’t clear enough, there was more: “You are worried about an administration that is gilding buildings while schools crumble, breaking the social safety net and sowing fear across our communities — betraying the values of who we are as Americans, the very values we celebrate here on these steps.”
It was a theme Spanberger returned to later in the speech: “And in Virginia, our hardworking, law-abiding immigrant neighbors will know that when we say — we’ll focus on the security and safety of all of our neighbors, we mean them, too.”
The crowd in attendance at the State Capitol cheered those words loudly, and Spanberger’s delivery made it clear those weren’t throwaway lines. We’ll see in the days, weeks and months ahead how those lines resonate across the Potomac with a president who takes some things very personally.
The remarkable thing is that Spanberger didn’t have to say those words, so they seem akin to laying down a marker.
I’d divide her speech (you can read the full text here) into four parts:
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks during inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol in Richmond on Saturday. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press, pool.
1) There was the standard call for unity, which probably every governor delivers. Maybe her quoting Patrick Henry — “Let us not split into factions which must destroy that union upon which our existence hangs” — lands differently in these hyperpartisan times, but calling for unity seems pretty boilerplate in an inaugural address.
Former Gov. Douglas Wilder waves during Virginia Gov. Abigail Spanberger’s inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol in Richmond Saturday. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press, pool.
2) She delivered a history lesson that ran from the American Revolution through the 19th Amendment that gave women the right to vote, the 1965 Civil Rights Act and the election of Douglas Wilder as governor, placing her status as the first woman to assume the governorship in a long line of breakthroughs. When she quoted Linwood Holton, the first Republican governor since the tumult after the Civil War, his daughter, Anne Holton, appeared to tear up. When she referenced Wilder, “who changed what so many of our fellow citizens believed was even possible,” the state’s first Black governor (who turned 95 on Saturday) rose to acknowledge the crowd. Probably all Virginia governors have acknowledged the state’s long history; Spanberger’s acknowledgment was different but not unexpected under the circumstances.
Governor Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her Inauguration Day at the Virginia Capitol Building Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf/Richmond Times-Dispatch. Pool photo.
3) She touched briefly and generally on her policies. “We will tackle the high cost of housing … we will work to lower energy costs … and we will contend with an impending health care crisis.” Again, this is pretty standard. Inaugural addresses are not policy speeches; they are more florid, philosophical statements. In another quirk of the Virginia system, Spanberger will get another chance to speak on Monday, when she addresses the General Assembly — the second time in less than a week that legislators will have heard from a governor, just different ones. Those addresses tend to go into more detail, such as her fleeting reference to show she wants “high energy users [to] pay their fair share.” Those “high energy users” include data centers.
Governor Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her Inauguration Day at the Virginia Capitol Building Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf/Richmond Times-Dispatch. Pool photo.
4) That leaves the fourth, and most unusual, part of her address, the Trump-related part, although she never mentioned Trump by name.
Spanberger does not seem to be looking for a fight with Trump, but she certainly seemed to signal she’s not afraid of one. There may be sufficient opportunities.
Trump has tried to shut down Dominion Energy’s offshore wind project off the coast of Virginia Beach; a federal judge on Friday granted a preliminary injunction to allow the work to resume, but that’s unlikely to be the end of the matter. (Disclosure: Dominion is one of our donors, but donors have no say in news decisions; see our policy.) For a governor who used her inaugural address to restate her campaign pledge to produce more energy, getting that energy project up and running will need to be a priority — otherwise, ratepayers will be stuck paying for wind turbines that aren’t producing a single kilowatt, which definitely won’t meet her goal of lowering energy prices.
On Friday, the Trump administration sued Virginia for access to its voter rolls, which the administration says is necessary to identify any fraud, but which some states have said would force them to disclose personal information such as Social Security numbers. The Trump administration is also engaged in negotiations with George Mason University over a federal investigation into various practices at the school. And then, of course, there’s immigration.
Spanberger’s remarks come in the shadow of the tumult in Minneapolis, where federal agents shot and killed an unarmed woman and the Department of Justice is now investigating both the Minnesota governor and the Minneapolis mayor. Richmond has been awash in rumors that the Trump administration will target Virginia for increased enforcement by Immigration and Customs Enforcement once a Democratic governor takes office. On Friday, the vice chair of the Henrico County Board of Supervisors warned of “increased ICE activity” in her county. Spanberger followed talk with action. As promised, as one of her first executive orders, she rescinded one of now-former Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s orders: State and local law enforcement are no longer required to enforce federal immigration laws.
Spanberger’s Trump-related comments could cut several ways. They could trigger a president who is prone to being triggered by criticism. They could also serve as a warning.
Spanberger, whose background is in law enforcement, including service as a case officer for the Central Intelligence Agency, does not seem to lack a spine. Whatever you think of her policies, she does not seem like a governor to be trifled with. Even before she took office, she had done something unprecedented: She’d sent word that she wanted five members of the University of Virginia’s Board of Visitors to resign so she could appoint a majority — and three immediately did. That board has been involved in controversy since last summer, when the Trump administration helped force out the school’s president. Spanberger’s call for some board members to resign wasn’t a surprise, given that she’d said the board shouldn’t hire a new president until she’d taken office (it did anyway), but it does stand out in history. Two previous governors faced controversies involving state universities: Gerald Baliles with Virginia Tech in 1987 and Bob McDonnell with the University of Virginia in 2012. Baliles invited board members to resign if they weren’t prepared to value academics over athletics, McDonnell threatened to demand resignations if board members didn’t resolve a botched presidential firing, but neither actually got to the point of insisting on resignations. Spanberger did — before she even took office.
As his first official act, Jones issues redistricting opinion
The new attorney general, Jay Jones, moved fast, too. He immediately issued a formal opinion that mid-cycle redistricting that Democrats in the General Assembly want to pull off is lawful. Jones moved so fast that the opinion was written on letterhead that still had his predecessor’s name. He also announced multiple lawsuits that he would have his office join.
A few hours after being sworn in, Spanberger signed 10 executive orders. New governors typically do that, but hers were more substantive than recent ones we’ve seen. Besides the order related to immigration enforcement, she set up a state task force to “coordinate a statewide response to federal workforce reductions, funding cuts, tariffs, and immigration impacts” and set in motion reviews of regulations that deter housing construction and how university board members are appointed. (For more on the executive orders, see Elizabeth Beyer’s story on the subject.) Shortly after that, she did something else no modern governor has: She moved to assert control over the three state schools that have sparked the most controversy and/or conflict with the Trump administration. In all, she named 27 people to college boards of visitors — 12 at George Mason University, 10 at the University of Virginia, five at Virginia Military Institute. Among those she named to the VMI board: former Gov. Ralph Northam, a VMI grad.
I wrote last week that Spanberger — who has never served in state government — has surrounded herself with Cabinet members who have long experience in Richmond, which would enable her to move quickly. Nothing I’ve seen or heard so far challenges that observation. On the contrary, her moves regarding the University of Virginia, the tone of her inaugural address and the substance of her executive orders only underscore it. I suspect the political forecast (and the pace of change) may be the same as the weather forecast: Expect things in Richmond to be brisk.
Spanberger’s board appointments
BOARD OF VISITORS OF GEORGE MASON UNIVERSITY
Anne Altman
Bruce Caswell
Shawn N. Chambliss-Purvis
Tom Davis
Paul Misener
Trevor Montano
Jim Moran
Delbert Parks
George Schindler
Sumeet Shrivastava
Sean Spence
Jennifer Taylor
BOARD OF VISITORS OF UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA & AFFILIATED SCHOOLS
Mike Bisceglia
Carlos Brown
Robert Bryon
Peter Grant
Owen Griffin
Victoria Harker
Elizabeth Hayes
Rudene Mercer Haynes
Evans Poston
Moshin Syed
BOARD OF VISITORS OF VIRGINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE
Michael Dick
Don Hall
Lester Johnson
Governor Ralph Northam
Allen Damon Williams
Want more political news and insights? Keep up with what’s happening in Richmond by signing up for our daily newsletter or our weekly political newsletter, West of the Capital.
As soon as Gov. Abigail Spanberger was sworn in as Virginia’s 75th governor, the National Guard fired off the traditional 19-gun cannon salute. State police had issued an advisory that the ceremonial booms from the howitzers might be loud enough to activate car alarms and building alarms in downtown Richmond.
There’s no word on how far away the guns could be heard, but Spanberger’s inaugural address that followed included a sustained and unmistakable rhetorical shot at President Donald Trump.
“I know many of you are worried about the recklessness coming out of Washington,” Spanberger said. “You are worried about policies that are hurting our communities — cutting health care access, imperiling rural hospitals and driving up costs. You are worried about Washington policies that are closing off markets, hurting innovation and private industry, and attacking those who have devoted their lives to public service.”
If that wasn’t clear enough, there was more: “You are worried about an administration that is gilding buildings while schools crumble, breaking the social safety net and sowing fear across our communities — betraying the values of who we are as Americans, the very values we celebrate here on these steps.”
It was a theme Spanberger returned to later in the speech: “And in Virginia, our hardworking, law-abiding immigrant neighbors will know that when we say — we’ll focus on the security and safety of all of our neighbors, we mean them, too.”
The crowd in attendance at the State Capitol cheered those words loudly, and Spanberger’s delivery made it clear those weren’t throwaway lines. We’ll see in the days, weeks and months ahead how those lines resonate across the Potomac with a president who takes some things very personally.
The remarkable thing is that Spanberger didn’t have to say those words, so they seem akin to laying down a marker.
I’d divide her speech (you can read the full text here) into four parts:
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks during inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol in Richmond on Saturday. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press, pool.
1) There was the standard call for unity, which probably every governor delivers. Maybe her quoting Patrick Henry — “Let us not split into factions which must destroy that union upon which our existence hangs” — lands differently in these hyperpartisan times, but calling for unity seems pretty boilerplate in an inaugural address.
Former Gov. Douglas Wilder waves during Virginia Gov. Abigail Spanberger’s inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol in Richmond Saturday. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press, pool.
2) She delivered a history lesson that ran from the American Revolution through the 19th Amendment that gave women the right to vote, the 1965 Civil Rights Act and the election of Douglas Wilder as governor, placing her status as the first woman to assume the governorship in a long line of breakthroughs. When she quoted Linwood Holton, the first Republican governor since the tumult after the Civil War, his daughter, Anne Holton, appeared to tear up. When she referenced Wilder, “who changed what so many of our fellow citizens believed was even possible,” the state’s first Black governor (who turned 95 on Saturday) rose to acknowledge the crowd. Probably all Virginia governors have acknowledged the state’s long history; Spanberger’s acknowledgment was different but not unexpected under the circumstances.
Governor Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her Inauguration Day at the Virginia Capitol Building Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf/Richmond Times-Dispatch. Pool photo.
3) She touched briefly and generally on her policies. “We will tackle the high cost of housing … we will work to lower energy costs … and we will contend with an impending health care crisis.” Again, this is pretty standard. Inaugural addresses are not policy speeches; they are more florid, philosophical statements. In another quirk of the Virginia system, Spanberger will get another chance to speak on Monday, when she addresses the General Assembly — the second time in less than a week that legislators will have heard from a governor, just different ones. Those addresses tend to go into more detail, such as her fleeting reference to show she wants “high energy users [to] pay their fair share.” Those “high energy users” include data centers.
Governor Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her Inauguration Day at the Virginia Capitol Building Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf/Richmond Times-Dispatch. Pool photo.
4) That leaves the fourth, and most unusual, part of her address, the Trump-related part, although she never mentioned Trump by name.
Spanberger does not seem to be looking for a fight with Trump, but she certainly seemed to signal she’s not afraid of one. There may be sufficient opportunities.
Trump has tried to shut down Dominion Energy’s offshore wind project off the coast of Virginia Beach; a federal judge on Friday granted a preliminary injunction to allow the work to resume, but that’s unlikely to be the end of the matter. (Disclosure: Dominion is one of our donors, but donors have no say in news decisions; see our policy.) For a governor who used her inaugural address to restate her campaign pledge to produce more energy, getting that energy project up and running will need to be a priority — otherwise, ratepayers will be stuck paying for wind turbines that aren’t producing a single kilowatt, which definitely won’t meet her goal of lowering energy prices.
On Friday, the Trump administration sued Virginia for access to its voter rolls, which the administration says is necessary to identify any fraud, but which some states have said would force them to disclose personal information such as Social Security numbers. The Trump administration is also engaged in negotiations with George Mason University over a federal investigation into various practices at the school. And then, of course, there’s immigration.
Spanberger’s remarks come in the shadow of the tumult in Minneapolis, where federal agents shot and killed an unarmed woman and the Department of Justice is now investigating both the Minnesota governor and the Minneapolis mayor. Richmond has been awash in rumors that the Trump administration will target Virginia for increased enforcement by Immigration and Customs Enforcement once a Democratic governor takes office. On Friday, the vice chair of the Henrico County Board of Supervisors warned of “increased ICE activity” in her county. Spanberger followed talk with action. As promised, as one of her first executive orders, she rescinded one of now-former Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s orders: State and local law enforcement are no longer required to enforce federal immigration laws.
Spanberger’s Trump-related comments could cut several ways. They could trigger a president who is prone to being triggered by criticism. They could also serve as a warning.
Spanberger, whose background is in law enforcement, including service as a case officer for the Central Intelligence Agency, does not seem to lack a spine. Whatever you think of her policies, she does not seem like a governor to be trifled with. Even before she took office, she had done something unprecedented: She’d sent word that she wanted five members of the University of Virginia’s Board of Visitors to resign so she could appoint a majority — and three immediately did. That board has been involved in controversy since last summer, when the Trump administration helped force out the school’s president. Spanberger’s call for some board members to resign wasn’t a surprise, given that she’d said the board shouldn’t hire a new president until she’d taken office (it did anyway), but it does stand out in history. Two previous governors faced controversies involving state universities: Gerald Baliles with Virginia Tech in 1987 and Bob McDonnell with the University of Virginia in 2012. Baliles invited board members to resign if they weren’t prepared to value academics over athletics, McDonnell threatened to demand resignations if board members didn’t resolve a botched presidential firing, but neither actually got to the point of insisting on resignations. Spanberger did — before she even took office.
As his first official act, Jones issues redistricting opinion
The new attorney general, Jay Jones, moved fast, too. He immediately issued a formal opinion that mid-cycle redistricting that Democrats in the General Assembly want to pull off is lawful. Jones moved so fast that the opinion was written on letterhead that still had his predecessor’s name. He also announced multiple lawsuits that he would have his office join.
A few hours after being sworn in, Spanberger signed 10 executive orders. New governors typically do that, but hers were more substantive than recent ones we’ve seen. Besides the order related to immigration enforcement, she set up a state task force to “coordinate a statewide response to federal workforce reductions, funding cuts, tariffs, and immigration impacts” and set in motion reviews of regulations that deter housing construction and how university board members are appointed. (For more on the executive orders, see Elizabeth Beyer’s story on the subject.) Shortly after that, she did something else no modern governor has: She moved to assert control over the three state schools that have sparked the most controversy and/or conflict with the Trump administration. In all, she named 27 people to college boards of visitors — 12 at George Mason University, 10 at the University of Virginia, five at Virginia Military Institute. Among those she named to the VMI board: former Gov. Ralph Northam, a VMI grad.
I wrote last week that Spanberger — who has never served in state government — has surrounded herself with Cabinet members who have long experience in Richmond, which would enable her to move quickly. Nothing I’ve seen or heard so far challenges that observation. On the contrary, her moves regarding the University of Virginia, the tone of her inaugural address and the substance of her executive orders only underscore it. I suspect the political forecast (and the pace of change) may be the same as the weather forecast: Expect things in Richmond to be brisk.
Spanberger’s board appointments
BOARD OF VISITORS OF GEORGE MASON UNIVERSITY
Anne Altman
Bruce Caswell
Shawn N. Chambliss-Purvis
Tom Davis
Paul Misener
Trevor Montano
Jim Moran
Delbert Parks
George Schindler
Sumeet Shrivastava
Sean Spence
Jennifer Taylor
BOARD OF VISITORS OF UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA & AFFILIATED SCHOOLS
Mike Bisceglia
Carlos Brown
Robert Bryon
Peter Grant
Owen Griffin
Victoria Harker
Elizabeth Hayes
Rudene Mercer Haynes
Evans Poston
Moshin Syed
BOARD OF VISITORS OF VIRGINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE
Michael Dick
Don Hall
Lester Johnson
Governor Ralph Northam
Allen Damon Williams
Want more political news and insights? Keep up with what’s happening in Richmond by signing up for our daily newsletter or our weekly political newsletter, West of the Capital.
As the Crooked Road Marching String Band headed toward newly inaugurated Virginia Gov. Abigail Spanberger on Saturday afternoon, a man called out to its members: “What are you going to play?”
Another spectator, a woman, replied in jest, “She’ll Be Comin’ ’Round the Mountain,” then began singing the chorus “in sort of a hillbilly accent,” said band member Tim Thornton of Shawsville.
He and the other couple dozen musicians in the Crooked Road troupe hoped to dispel that sort of stereotype, Thornton said.
“People don’t know and appreciate how important [mountain music culture] is economically to the state, how important it is culturally,” he said.
The group didn’t get much time to represent. While other organizations stopped for a minute of performance in front of Spanberger and the other two newly inaugurated officeholders — Lt. Gov. Ghazala Hashmi and Attorney General Jay Jones — the Crooked Road Marching String Band received instructions to march on through, no stops.
That order inspired a bit of improvisation. Several of the troupe members broke out in a dance while the others played “Fly Around My Pretty Little Miss,” a way to make it a show without stopping to put on a show.
It didn’t spoil the experience, said band member Gina Dilg of Radford, who held her fiddle by its neck while she flatfooted a bit with five others from the group.
“I forget that the majority of people in this world don’t really see fiddles and banjos on a regular basis,” Dilg said. “And so just seeing all the looks of joy on everyone’s faces was really cool.”
They joined a bevy of marching ensembles that included the Virginia Military Institute Corps of Cadets, dance teams from Hasang Korean School and the Cultural Center of India, high school marching bands and Norfolk State University’s marching band — which closed with a funky version of Kool & The Gang’s pop chestnut “Celebration.”
The Crooked Road unit, which includes some of the finest old-time and bluegrass musicians in Southwest Virginia, didn’t need time to rehearse, said Tyler Hughes of Big Stone Gap, executive director of The Crooked Road: Virginia’s Heritage Music Trail. Once he found players whose schedules allowed them to make the event, the rest was simple.
“One of the best aspects I think of the music in Southwest Virginia is how community-oriented it is and how close-knit we all are,” Hughes said in a phone interview last week. “If you play old-time or bluegrass music, you’re seeing each other every weekend at fiddlers’ conventions, and you’re getting together at Galax or seeing each other at places like the Carter Fold and the Floyd Country Store all the time … so it’s actually really easy to be able to put together this group.”
The players came from along the Crooked Road, he said.
“We’re so fortunate to live in a region that’s home to hundreds of incredibly talented musicians and dancers, and what I always like to call cultural caretakers,” Hughes said. “It’s not always easy organizing a big group, but having such a large and deep pool of talent makes it really easy to be able to do this.”
As the Crooked Road Marching String Band headed toward newly inaugurated Virginia Gov. Abigail Spanberger on Saturday afternoon, a man called out to its members: “What are you going to play?”
Another spectator, a woman, replied in jest, “She’ll Be Comin’ ’Round the Mountain,” then began singing the chorus “in sort of a hillbilly accent,” said band member Tim Thornton of Shawsville.
He and the other couple dozen musicians in the Crooked Road troupe hoped to dispel that sort of stereotype, Thornton said.
“People don’t know and appreciate how important [mountain music culture] is economically to the state, how important it is culturally,” he said.
The group didn’t get much time to represent. While other organizations stopped for a minute of performance in front of Spanberger and the other two newly inaugurated officeholders — Lt. Gov. Ghazala Hashmi and Attorney General Jay Jones — the Crooked Road Marching String Band received instructions to march on through, no stops.
That order inspired a bit of improvisation. Several of the troupe members broke out in a dance while the others played “Fly Around My Pretty Little Miss,” a way to make it a show without stopping to put on a show.
It didn’t spoil the experience, said band member Gina Dilg of Radford, who held her fiddle by its neck while she flatfooted a bit with five others from the group.
“I forget that the majority of people in this world don’t really see fiddles and banjos on a regular basis,” Dilg said. “And so just seeing all the looks of joy on everyone’s faces was really cool.”
They joined a bevy of marching ensembles that included the Virginia Military Institute Corps of Cadets, dance teams from Hasang Korean School and the Cultural Center of India, high school marching bands and Norfolk State University’s marching band — which closed with a funky version of Kool & The Gang’s pop chestnut “Celebration.”
The Crooked Road unit, which includes some of the finest old-time and bluegrass musicians in Southwest Virginia, didn’t need time to rehearse, said Tyler Hughes of Big Stone Gap, executive director of The Crooked Road: Virginia’s Heritage Music Trail. Once he found players whose schedules allowed them to make the event, the rest was simple.
“One of the best aspects I think of the music in Southwest Virginia is how community-oriented it is and how close-knit we all are,” Hughes said in a phone interview last week. “If you play old-time or bluegrass music, you’re seeing each other every weekend at fiddlers’ conventions, and you’re getting together at Galax or seeing each other at places like the Carter Fold and the Floyd Country Store all the time … so it’s actually really easy to be able to put together this group.”
The players came from along the Crooked Road, he said.
“We’re so fortunate to live in a region that’s home to hundreds of incredibly talented musicians and dancers, and what I always like to call cultural caretakers,” Hughes said. “It’s not always easy organizing a big group, but having such a large and deep pool of talent makes it really easy to be able to do this.”
Newly minted Democratic Gov. Abigail Spanberger signed ten executive orders, which, she said, are an effort to “respond to the moment” and to make living in Virginia more affordable, in her first few hours in office on Saturday.
“Affordability” was a key campaign platform for the governor during the election last fall. The executive orders focus on “strengthening” K-12 education and “protecting” Virginia’s economy, her office said.
She also made good on a campaign promise to rescind former Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s Executive Order 47. Her predecessor’s order required local law enforcement agencies to sign an agreement with the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The order also directed state law enforcement and corrections officers to assist with federal immigration enforcement.
“We are setting the tone for what Virginians can expect over the next four years: pragmatic leadership focused on lowering costs and delivering results,” Spanberger said in a statement. “My administration is getting to work on Day One to address the top-of-mind challenges facing families by lowering costs for Virginians in every community, building a stronger economy for every worker, and making sure that every student in the Commonwealth receives a high-quality education that sets them up for success. These executive orders represent the first steps in our work to create a stronger, safer, and — critically — more affordable future for our Commonwealth.”
Del. Terry Kilgore, R-Scott County. Photo by Bob Brown.
House of Delegates Minority Leader Terry Kilgore, R-Scott County, bristled at the governor’s rescission of Youngkin’s Executive Order 47. He said pulling Virginia State Police out of the agreement with ICE would make constituents “less safe.” He argued that Spanberger’s action would “shield” undocumented immigrants from cooperation with federal law enforcement.
“Virginians expect their governor to stand with law enforcement and put public safety first. This action does the opposite, and I strongly oppose it,” Kilgore said in a statement.
Spanberger’s and previous governor’s orders
Governor Abigail Spanberger signs an Executive Order after being sworn in on Inauguration Day at the Virginia Capitol Building Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf/Richmond Times-Dispatch. Pool Photo.
The first three orders in the group of ten direct secretaries and all executive branch agencies to identify ways to reduce living expenses for families; establish an Interagency Health Financing Task Force to make health care spending more efficient and reduce health care costs; and require a review of regulation and permitting practices to encourage the development of more housing and lower housing costs, Spanberger’s office said in a statement.
The remaining orders focus on K-12 education, efforts to help Virginia businesses and employees following cuts to federal funding and the workforce, and tariff policies.
Spanberger’s predecessor, former Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin, issued 11 executive actions on his first day in office in 2022. Youngkin’s actions included an effort to ban critical race theory in classrooms, to place the decision to mask in schools in the hands of parents during the COVID-19 pandemic, to withdraw Virginia from the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, to investigate Loudoun County for wrongdoing and an effort to combat and prevent human trafficking, among others.
Youngkin’s predecessor, former Democratic Gov. Ralph Northam, issued just three executive orders on his first day in office in 2018. His orders focused on an effort to prohibit discrimination in state government, to give powers to the governor’s chief of staff in an emergency should the governor become incapacitated and to allow the chief of staff to declare a state of emergency.
Summaries of the executive orders, as provided by Spanberger’s office
#1 Statewide Affordability Directive Requires secretaries and all executive branch agencies to submit reports within 90 days to the governor’s office identifying immediate, actionable budgetary, regulatory or policy changes that would reduce costs for Virginians.
#2 Interagency Health Financing Task Force Establishes the Interagency Health Financing Task Force within the office of the secretary of health and human resources to maximize federal funding, reduce duplicative spending and strengthen Virginia’s long-term healthcare infrastructure.
#3 Housing Development Regulation Review Directs a review of regulations and permitting practices that affect housing development, in an effort to eliminate unnecessary requirements, streamlining approvals and reducing barriers to housing production.
#4 Federal Impacts Assessment Establishes the Economic Resiliency Task Force to coordinate a statewide response to federal workforce reductions, funding cuts, tariffs and immigration impacts, including an assessment of federal funding losses or projected losses and recommendations for potential mitigation measures.
#5 High-Quality Public Education Directive *Commits the Commonwealth to academic excellence by directing the Department of Education to strengthen core instructional systems in literacy, mathematics, school accountability and assessment. * The executive order also affirms the rights and protections of students, parents and teachers by emphasizing inclusive, high-quality educational experiences for all learners, regardless of background.
#6 Board of Visitors Appointment Process Review Directs the Department of Education, in consultation with the secretary of the commonwealth, to review and evaluate the process for appointing members to public higher education governing boards.
#7 State of Emergency Authority Establishes a line of standby authority allowing the chief of staff and, if necessary, designated cabinet officials to declare a state of emergency, activate the Virginia National Guard or certify the governor’s temporary inability to serve when the governor is unreachable or incapacitated.
#8 Chief of Staff Authority and Responsibility Formally delegates significant planning, budgetary, personnel and administrative authority to the governor’s chief of staff, while reserving final decision-making power for the governor on key matters such as proposed expenditures, compensation plans and legislative submissions/reports.
#9 Equal Opportunity Policy Establishes a comprehensive non-discrimination policy across the facets of state government by prohibiting discrimination in employment, appointments, procurement and public services on a broad range of protected characteristics, while protecting veterans and people with disabilities
#10 Law Enforcement Rescinds Youngkin’s Executive Order 47, which requires and encourages state and local law enforcement to divert their resources for use in enforcing federal civil immigration laws.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger issued a call for unity in her inauguration speech Saturday while she denounced federal policies coming out of Washington, D.C., that she said have hurt Virginians.
Without once mentioning President Donald Trump by name, Spanberger issued a strong rebuke against the policies of his administration and connected them to the increased cost of living for Virginians.
“I know many of you are worried about the recklessness coming out of Washington,” she said, as her tone grew firm. “You are worried about policies that are hurting our communities — cutting health care access, imperiling rural hospitals and driving up costs. You are worried about Washington policies that are closing off markets, hurting innovation and private industry, and attacking those who have devoted their lives to public service.
“You are worried about an administration that is gilding buildings while schools crumble, breaking the social safety net and sowing fear across our communities — betraying the values of who we are as Americans, the very values we celebrate here on these steps,” she continued.
She called on Virginians who may hold different perspectives or political views to come together to “forge a path forward” and pursue progress. She closed out her speech reiterating a cornerstone of her campaign, to “work relentlessly to make life more affordable” for her roughly 8 million constituents.
Her plan to make life more affordable
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks during inaugural ceremonies at the Capitol in Richmond on Saturday. Photo by Steve Helber, Associated Press.
In her inauguration speech, Spanberger outlined the key tenets of her effort to reduce the cost of living for Virginians.
She said her administration will tackle the high cost of housing for renters and owners, and cut red tape to increase housing supply and help communities to keep housing affordable. She asserted that her administration will work to lower energy costs by producing more energy in Virginia and ensuring high energy users pay their “fair share.” She added that her administration will protect access to health care by “cracking down” on the middlemen who are “driving up drug prices,” and help Virginians to avoid going into medical debt because of a single emergency.
Spanberger, a former CIA officer, positioned her campaign last fall as a repudiation of the Trump administration and focused her messaging on the affordability crisis faced by many in the commonwealth. She swept the ballot box with a 15 percentage point lead over her Republican opponent, former Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears.
Democrats won decisive victories in Virginia’s House of Delegates elections as well. The state’s “off year” elections are often seen as a bellwether for the midterm elections and a referendum on the current presidential administration.
Spanberger, the first woman to be governor of Virginia, was sworn in as the 75th executive of the commonwealth on Saturday. Cannon fire punctuated her oath of office, and military aircraft flew overhead in a governor’s salute, offered by the Virginia National Guard.
Former state Sen. Ghazala Hashmi was sworn in as lieutenant governor, and former Del. Jay Jones was sworn in as attorney general.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger speaks to the crowd during her inauguration ceremony on Saturday. Photo by Mike Kropf, Richmond Times-Dispatch.
Here are Gov. Abigail Spanberger’s prepared remarks:
Mr. Speaker; Madam President Pro Tempore; Madam Lieutenant Governor; Mr. Attorney General; Members of the General Assembly; Justices of the Supreme Court; honored guests;
To my parents Martin and Eileen Davis, my sisters Hilary and Meredith, my husband Adam and my daughters, Claire, Charlotte, Catherine; neighbors, friends, and our fellow Virginians: it is my honor to be with all of you today.
An inauguration ceremony like this one — with all its tradition and pageantry — represents something profound, and in its origins, something uniquely American… the peaceful transfer of power. It is a cornerstone of our American democratic experiment, a tradition and precedent begun by a Virginian, George Washington, and carried forth every time we celebrate an election and the inauguration of new leaders who will be entrusted to govern and serve — for a time.
Every four years, Virginians have the unique responsibility of choosing those leaders, as we all write the next chapter of our Commonwealth’s story. And today, that tradition continues.
Adam and I extend our appreciation to you, Governor Youngkin and First Lady Suzanne Youngkin, for the time you have both spent with us during this transition. I thank you for your service, and we wish you and your family the best as you exit this role and begin a new chapter.
And to Lieutenant Governor Earle-Sears — herself a trailblazer, to Attorney General Miyares, and to those who served in the Youngkin Administration, thank you for your service to the Commonwealth we all love.
To the former Governors in attendance today, I am grateful that you are here. I thank you for your outreach, your offers of support and help, and for your continued commitment to Virginia.
As I begin my service as Governor, I want to thank the men and women of our armed forces — the Virginians serving overseas and those who serve at military installations across our Commonwealth. Thank you for your defense of our freedom.
I thank the members of the Virginia National Guard — those serving far from home or right here today. I thank our Commonwealth’s law enforcement officers, firefighters, and first responders — for your tireless commitment to our fellow Virginians.
75 times. 75 times in Virginia’s storied history, we have witnessed this transfer from one Governor to the next. 75 times, a Governor has taken this oath, and so many of those times, it’s been right here, on these steps that those words have been spoken.
It is the honor of my life to stand before you and take the oath today. The history and the gravity of this moment are not lost on me — I maintain an abiding sense of gratitude to those who worked generation after generation to ensure women could be among those casting ballots, but who could only dream of a day like today.
I stand before those who made it possible for a woman to also participate in that peaceful transfer of power and take that oath…
And it is with a profound sense of duty to all Virginians that I assume the Governorship and pledge myself to work tirelessly on behalf of our Commonwealth.
This year marks the 250th anniversary of two milestones in American democracy: the first is the signing of our Declaration of Independence — drafted by Thomas Jefferson — Virginia’s second Governor and the man who designed the very building behind us today. And the second milestone we remember this year is the inauguration of Patrick Henry as Virginia’s first Governor.
Governor Henry is best known for his call against tyranny at St. John’s Church, just up the road — words that helped launch the American Revolution. But in his final public speech, delivered in Virginia years later in 1799, he made an appeal to his fellow citizens, warning against the divisions that were threatening our young country.
His appeal remains timeless. He said:
“United we stand, divided we fall. Let us not split into factions which must destroy that union upon which our existence hangs.”
I’ll say that again. “Let us not split into factions…” which would “destroy that union upon which our existence hangs.”
That was the challenge Governor Henry put to Virginia at the close of the 18th Century. And it is the charge we must answer again today. I know that the work of perfecting our democracy has never been finished.
But I am heartened by the fact that so much of that work has been done right here, on these very steps and across this city — where Virginia’s history, and America’s history, has so often been written.
This square has been the scene of remarkable dramas of equality and justice. It has been the site of great struggles and hard-won triumphs, whose consequences have been heard across America.
On these steps, Virginia’s suffragists brought their cause to the General Assembly session after session, decade after decade. And though these brave women were voted down, time and time again, they refused to give up.
And while the 19th amendment gave women the right to vote in 1920, it would not be until 1952 that Virginia finally ratified it. And yet for so many women, the right to vote was not truly secured until the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
And in 1960, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. addressed a crowd of more than 2,500 here in Richmond. He implored the then-Governor to comply with the Brown v. Board of Education ruling.
Building upon a message he had issued one year prior when he wrote: “Today is a day for great men, great ideas, great movements…” and in his urgent appeals for progress, he wrote, “As Virginia goes, so goes the South, perhaps America, and the world.”
In 1960, following his impassioned words at the Pilgrimage of Prayer, they marched here to these steps.
In the generations since Governor Henry’s plea, as rights have been won and progress has been made, our Commonwealth and our country have faced hurdles, hardships, divisions, and bitterness.
And yet, along the way, what has been necessary is leaders who clearly see and willingly confront challenges. And even more importantly, what has always been essential is for people, everyday people — we Virginians — to do the same.
And so it was in 1970, as our Commonwealth once again faced deep divisions, that Virginia’s 61st Governor didn’t shy away from the challenges before him. Governor Linwood Holton stared them down.
On these steps, he proclaimed — and I’m quoting again:
“No longer can we be divided into opposing camps of political philosophy.”
He said, “The time for partisan politics is over. It is time now for leadership, for action, for progress through unity.”
He went on to issue a challenge: “I turn today to all Virginians, whatever their political persuasion, and say: Let us act together.”
And just 20 years later, on these steps, Virginia inaugurated our 66th Governor and our nation’s first elected African American Governor.
Governor L. Douglas Wilder changed what so many of our fellow citizens believed was even possible. And today, on your 95th Birthday, I thank you Governor, for being here to celebrate this Virginia tradition as we continue to write our Commonwealth’s story.
It was by design that we are a Commonwealth. In Virginia’s first constitution, written 250 years ago, they designated us as such. Virginia — no longer a colony, and not simply a state in our fledgling nation, but a Commonwealth.
What’s the difference? Kids, pay attention, because eventually someone may ask you!
There’s no difference in how we operate or function as a state. The difference lies in the intention of our forefathers and the choice to indicate that here our government should serve the common good — that the voices of everyday Virginians — not kings or aristocrats or oligarchs — should drive us forward, and that our prosperity depends upon that union.
That our leaders and our fellow Virginians should join in common cause, find common ground, and pursue common purpose — this is the concept at the heart of what it means to be a Commonwealth.
This is what it means to be united for Virginia’s future.
And while I have spoken at length about our history, today must be about our future and the story we will write together.
I know many of you are worried about the recklessness coming out of Washington. You are worried about policies that are hurting our communities — cutting healthcare access, imperiling rural hospitals, and driving up costs. You are worried about Washington policies that are closing off markets, hurting innovation and private industry, and attacking those who have devoted their lives to public service.
You are worried about an administration that is gilding buildings while schools crumble, breaking the social safety net, and sowing fear across our communities — betraying the values of who we are as Americans, the very values we celebrate here on these steps.
And across the Commonwealth, everything keeps getting more expensive — groceries, medicine, daycare, the electricity bill, rent, and the mortgage. Families are strained, kids are stressed, and so much just seems to be getting harder and harder.
Growing up, my parents always taught me that when faced with something unacceptable, you must speak up. You must take action, right what you believe is wrong, and fix what isn’t working.
I know that some who are here today or watching from home may disagree with the litany of challenges and hardships I laid out. Your perspective may differ from mine, but that does not preclude us working together where we may find common cause. My priorities for the people of Virginia are drawn from my own background and experience.
I grew up in a family where my parents modeled a commitment to service and community — my father in law enforcement and my mother in nursing.
My middle class upbringing was a result of their struggle, their hard work, and programs like the GI Bill that sent my dad to college and strong community colleges that allowed my mom to put herself through nursing school as she worked more than fulltime.
I followed my father’s footsteps into law enforcement. At my academy graduation, he handed me my badge and credentials, and I entered a world where I had to get it right every time and do right by everyone I encountered — victims, witnesses, fellow agents, and even the person whose name was on an arrest warrant.
Then, as a CIA officer, I worked to combat the greatest threats facing America. I worked to keep our nation safe at home and abroad, and I saw firsthand that the world is safer when the United States shows our mighty strength through the lives we save, the diseases we eradicate, the technologies we create, and the leadership we show on a global stage.
Today, I am a mother to three daughters who are my everything. There is nothing more important to me than their safety, their health, their education, and their future. And I know that far too many parents work hard to make ends meet, but still worry how they’ll put food on the table, take their sick child to the doctor, or keep the lights on. When today is so uncertain, it’s hard to dream big for tomorrow.
Today, I stand before you on these steps not only as Virginia’s 75th Governor, but as someone who believes it is our duty to write the next chapter of our Commonwealth’s story. It is our duty to demonstrate for the generations to come that when faced with hardships, challenges, divisions, and even bitterness, we too forged a path forward and pursued progress.
And as we write this next chapter, we will work relentlessly to make life more affordable for our fellow Virginians.
We will tackle the high cost of housing — whether you’re renting, buying, or trying to stay in your home. We’ll work to cut red tape, increase housing supply, and help communities keep housing affordable.
We will work to lower energy costs by producing more energy and by ensuring that high energy users pay their fair share.
And we will contend with an impending healthcare crisis by protecting healthcare access, cracking down on the middlemen who are driving up drug prices, and making sure Virginians aren’t going into spiraling medical debt because of a single emergency.
And as we write this next chapter, we will make Virginia’s public schools the best in the nation.
We will work to ensure every child in the Commonwealth receives a world-class education at every level — providing them a solid foundation in reading and math, and preparing our kids for a prosperous future.
And we will invest in the schools and educators that are essential to this goal.
And as we write this next chapter, we will grow Virginia’s economy in every corner of the Commonwealth.
We will invest in the apprenticeships and job training of the future. We will bring capital investment into every region of our Commonwealth. We will stand up for Virginia’s workers — including our federal workforce. And we will expand opportunities for Virginia agriculture — our farmers, producers, agribusinesses, and farm families.
And as we write this next chapter, we will focus on the security and safety of all of our neighbors.
And we will take action to prevent gun violence, to support Virginians struggling with addiction, and to address the mental health crisis impacting our kids and neighbors. And in Virginia, our hardworking, law-abiding immigrant neighbors will know that when we say — we’ll focus on the security and safety of all of our neighbors, we mean them too.
We will write this next chapter together, because throughout our history, no leader has ever made progress alone.
To my friends in the General Assembly — on both sides of the aisle — I look forward to working with you. I know what it means to represent your constituents, to work hard for your district, and to pursue policies you believe in.
We will not agree on everything, but I speak from personal experience when I say that we do not have to see eye-to-eye on every issue in order to stand shoulder-to-shoulder on others.
Because Virginia has always been a place where we confront challenges, where we build coalitions, and where we prove that democracy still works.
To Lieutenant Governor Hashmi and Attorney General Jones, I look forward to working together with you both as we serve our fellow Virginians over the next four years.
And most importantly, to the people of Virginia: we are beginning a new chapter in our Commonwealth’s story. We need you to help us write it.
As we mark 250 years since the dawn of American freedom: What will our children, grandchildren, and their descendants write about this time in our Commonwealth’s history — this chapter — 50, 100, and 250 years from now?
Will they say that we let divisions fester or challenges overwhelm us? Or will they say that we stood up for what is right, fixed what is broken, and served the common good here in Virginia?
Today, we’re hearing the call to connect more deeply to our American Experiment — to understand our shared history, not as a single point in time, but as a lesson for how we create our more prosperous future. And so I ask — what will you do to help us author this next chapter?
As your Governor, I pledge to you that I will work tirelessly for you and for our Commonwealth.
Today, I find myself thinking about Dr. King’s Pilgrimage of Prayer… Such a powerful phrase.
And it gives me cause to reflect on what our path forward must be… not a Pilgrimage of Politics, certainly not a Pilgrimage of Partisanship… but rather a Pilgrimage of Promise, Progress, and Prosperity.
My fellow Virginians, as we set an example for the country, the world, and most importantly, our children, let us:
Choose to stand united. Choose to serve one another. Choose to act together.
As we continue forward, let us be united for Virginia’s future.
Thank you all very much! May God Bless the Commonwealth of Virginia. And may God Bless the United States of America.
A casual stroll around the Trevi Fountain gave me the chance to experiment with an unusual combination: an old Summicron 50/2 and a relatively new Nikon Z5. The opportunity materialised in a photo of one of the crowd-control team members regulating the overwhelming flow of tourists and ensuring that none of them were engaging in...
Virginia Public Media is making available a livestream of the inauguration. It’s expected to start about 11:20 a.m. with the swearing-in ceremonies at noon, followed by the governor’s inaugural address and then the parade. (Update: You can watch an archived replay below).
The game was to use my digital camera (Sony A7Riii) as if it was a film camera so I set myself the following rules for our nearly four day trip to Haarlem and Amsterdam. A maximum of 36 frames per day, 100 frames for the entire period intended to force a thoughtful and selective approach...
Roanoke Democratic Del. Sam Rasoul was removed from the House of Delegates Appropriations Committee at the start of the 2026 legislative session.
House of Delegates Speaker Don Scott, D-Portsmouth, appoints members to committees at the start of the session. Rasoul will continue serving as chair of the House Education Committee and as a member of the House Public Safety Committee and the House Health and Human Services Committee.
“I’ve enjoyed all of the committees I’m appointed to right now and I look forward to continuing to serve,” Rasoul said. “I don’t know why those decisions are made, and so just happy to be serving on the committees we’re on.”
Speaker Scott’s office did not respond when asked for a comment on Rasoul’s removal from appropriations.
He was shifted from appropriations to the House of Delegates Health and Human Services Committee, where he served a few years ago, before he was appointed to the money committee in 2022 as the only Democrat from Southwest Virginia in that role.
Republican Dels. Terry Austin of Botetourt County, Ellen McLaughlin of Waynesboro and Will Morefield of Tazewell County remain on the appropriations committee as the only members west of the Blue Rige.
I’m going to start this post off with two rhetorical questions.
Do you believe that the use of AI should be free and unfettered in the video game industry and will certainly and overwhelmingly be a positive good for the industry generally?
Do you believe that AI should be banned and never used in the video game industry because it can only produce slop and result in job loss in the industry generally?
My position is simple: anyone answering “yes” to either of those questions is out of the conversation when I’m involved. Dogmatic approaches like those aren’t right, they’re not smart, they’re not helpful, and they will never produce any progress or interesting discussion. They’re a sort of religious beliefs pointed at a terrestrial industry and they make no sense.
And now let me add a rhetorical statement of my own, so that there’s no misunderstanding: every game publisher and developer out there is free to make their own decisions regarding AI, full stop. I’m here to talk, not to make demands.
Now that that’s out of the way, let’s talk about indie publisher Hooded Horse and its “zero AI” policy that it has written into its developer contracts. CEO Tim Bender spoke with Kotaku recently on the topic and he certainly didn’t hold back.
The label he helps run as CEO, Hooded Horse, struck gold after signing the medieval base-builder mega hit Manor Lords, but its library of published games has grown far beyond it in the past two years with releases like the Lego-like tower-defense game Cataclismo, the economic management sim Workers & Resources: Soviet Republic, and the 4X sequel Endless Legend 2. Being strategy games isn’t the only thing they all have in common. They also all adhere to a strict ban on generative AI art.
“I fucking hate gen AI art and it has made my life more difficult in many ways…suddenly it infests shit in a way it shouldn’t,” Bender told me in a recent interview. “It is now written into our contracts if we’re publishing the game, ‘no fucking AI assets.’”
Now, if Bender says this has made his life more difficult, I’m going to choose to believe him. Honestly, I can’t imagine why he’d lie about something like that.
But he’s also clearly answered “yes” to rhetorical question #2 I posted above. And I just don’t understand it as a long term contractual policy. If AI largely sucks right now in the gaming industry, and I agree there’s a lot of bad out there, that doesn’t mean it will in the future. If AI has the capability to take some jobs in the industry today, that doesn’t mean it can’t create jobs elsewhere in the industry as well. If some applications of AI in the gaming industry carry with it very real moral questions, that doesn’t mean that every use does.
But when you really dig into Bender’s stated concerns that have led him to a blanket ban on the use of any AI by partner developers, you quickly understand his actual concern is a quality control concern.
“We’ve gotten to the point where we also talk to developers and we recommend they don’t use any gen AI anywhere in the process because some of them might otherwise think, ‘Okay, well, maybe what I’ll do is for this place, I’ll put it as a placeholder,’ right?” continued Bender.
“Like some, people will have this thought, like they would never want to let it in the game, but they’ll think, ‘It can be a placeholder in this prototype build.’ But if that gets done, of course, there’s a chance that that slips through, because it only takes one of those slipping through in some build and not getting replaced or something. […] Because of that, we’re constantly having to watch and deal with it and try to prevent it from slipping in, because it’s cancerous.”
It’s the Larian Studios concept art discussion all over again. Bender doesn’t seem to have an actual problem with developers using AI in developing a game. Instead, it appears he doesn’t want any AI-made product ending up in the finished game. Those are two very different things. But rather than trying to figure out how to QC the developers to make sure the end product is clean of AI, since that seems to be what Bender is after, we get a blanket ban on all AI use everywhere, all the time, by the developers.
Now, to keep things clear, my position is that Bender certainly can do this if he likes. It’s his company, have at it. But when I read this…
“When it comes to gen-AI, it’s not a PR issue, it’s an ethics issue,” Bender said. “The reality is, there’s so much of it going on that the commitment just has to be that you won’t allow it in the game, and if it’s ever discovered, because this artist that was hired by this outside person slipped something in, you get it out and you replace it. That has to be the commitment. It’s a shame that it’s even necessary and it’s a very frustrating thing to have to worry about.”
…I’m left with the impression that I’m listening to someone devoid of nuance reciting a creed rather than fully thinking this through.
AI will be used in gaming. To borrow a phrase, it’s a very frustrating thing to have to even state. It’s tough to get more obvious than that. The question and the conversation, as I keep saying, is about how it will be used, not if it will be used.
And people like Bender have exited that conversation, which is too bad. He’s clearly a good businessman and smart industry guy. We need his voice in the discussion.
AI can be useful. But so many people seem to feel it’s nothing more than an unpaid intern you can lean on to do all the work you don’t feel like doing yourself. (And the less said about its misuse to generate a webful of slop, the better.)
Like everyone everywhere, police departments are starting to rely on AI to do some of the menial work cops don’t like doing themselves. And it’s definitely going poorly. More than a year ago, it was already apparent that law enforcement agencies were just pressing the “easy” button, rather than utilizing it wisely to work smarter and faster.
Axon — the manufacturer of Taser and a line of now-ubiquitous body cameras — has pushed hard for AI adoption. Even it knows AI use can swiftly become problematic if it’s not properly backstopped by humans. But the humans it sells its products too don’t seem to care for anything other than its ability to churn out paperwork with as little human involvement as possible.
The report notes that Draft One includes a feature that can intentionally insert silly sentences into AI-produced drafts as a test to ensure officers are thoroughly reviewing and revising the drafts. However, Axon’s CEO mentioned in a video about Draft One that most agencies are choosing not to enable this feature.
Yep. They just don’t care. If it means cases get tossed because sworn statements have been AI auto-penned, so be it. If someone ends up falsely accused of a crime or falsely arrested because of something AI whipped up, that’s just the way it goes. And if it adds a layer of plausible deniability between an officer and their illegal actions, even better.
Not only is the tech apparently not saving anyone much time, it’s also being abused by law enforcement officers to justify their actions after the fact. But it’s shiny and new and seems sleek and futuristic, so of course reporters will occasionally decide to do law enforcement’s PR work for it by presenting incredibly fallible tech as the 8th wonder of the police world.
Sometimes reporters bury the lede. And sometimes their editors decide the lede should be buried by the end of the headline. That appears to be the case here, where Mya Constantino’s reporting isn’t exactly what’s being touted in this article’s original headline.
As can be observed from viewing the URL, the current headline (updated January 1st) wasn’t the original headline. The Wayback Machine tells the real story. This article was originally published on December 19, 2025 with this headline:
That headline (which reads “How Utah police departments are using AI to keep streets safer”) was immediately followed by these paragraphs:
Here’s a direct quote of those leading paragraphs:
HEBER CITY, Utah — An artificial intelligence that writes police reports had some explaining to do earlier this month after it claimed a Heber City officer had shape-shifted into a frog.
However, the truth behind that so-called magical transformation is simple.
“The body cam software and the AI report writing software picked up on the movie that was playing in the background, which happened to be ‘The Princess and the Frog,'” Sgt. Keel told FOX 13 News. “That’s when we learned the importance of correcting these AI-generated reports.”
Fortunately, those paragraphs still remain in the updated post, which now contains a headline that makes a lot more sense:
The headline (accompanied by a short video of a tree frog) says:
Ribbit ribbit! Artificial Intelligence programs used by Heber City police claim officer turned into a frog
While I can understand why a small news outlet (albeit one that’s a Fox affiliate) might decide to play nice with the local cops rather than call out their software failure in the headline, it really doesn’t make it acceptable. My guess is the original headline was about maintaining access to officers and officials. At some point, someone realized the stuff detailed in the first paragraphs would probably attract more attention than some dry recitation of cop AI talking points.
But even the belated headline change doesn’t really make anything better here. There’s not really anything in the article that demonstrates how AI is making anyone safer. The article also notes that two different AI programs are currently being tested (Code Four, developed by a couple of 19-year-old former MIT students) and Draft One, which is part of Axon’s vertical integration strategy. That was the product that turned a cop into a frog, which probably explains why the reporter’s ridealong (so to speak…) only involved use of Code Four’s AI.
The reporter was on hand for a faux traffic stop that was later summarized by the AI to (apparently) demonstrate its usefulness. The journalist points out that the AI-generated report needed corrections, but at least didn’t turn any of the participants into a Disney-inspired character.
That being said, there’s nothing here that indicates these products will make streets “safer.” Here is the entirety of what was said about the tech’s positives by Sgt. Rick Keel of the Heber City PD:
Keel says one of the major draws is that the software saves them time, as writing reports typically takes 1-2 hours.
“I’m saving myself about 6-8 hours weekly now,” Keel said. “I’m not the most tech-savvy person, so it’s very user-friendly.”
Giving cops more free time doesn’t make streets safer. It just means they have more time on their hands. That’s not always a good thing. Of all the things that need to be fixed in terms of US policing, writing reports is pretty far down the list. It’s what’s being done with this extra time that actually matters. Pursuing efficiency for its own sake makes no sense in the context of law enforcement. The statements by this PD official raise questions that were never asked by the reporter, like the most important one: what is being done with this saved time? And if something still requires a lot of human activity to keep it from generating nonsense, is it really any better than the system it’s replacing?
One thing is for sure: AI doing the menial work of filing police reports is never going to make anyone safer. On the contrary, it’s only going to increase the chance that someone’s rights will be violated. And because law enforcement agencies refuse to be honest about the risks this poses and the fact that it appears only officers who don’t like writing paperwork will benefit from this added expense, they shouldn’t be trusted with tech that will ultimately only make the bad parts of US policing even worse.
Rackspace’s new pricing for its email hosting services is “devastating,” according to a partner that has been using Rackspace as its email provider since 1999.
In recent weeks, Rackspace updated its email hosting pricing. Its standard plan is now $10 per mailbox per month. Businesses can also pay for the Rackspace Email Plus add-on for an extra $2/mailbox/month (for “file storage, mobile sync, Office-compatible apps, and messaging”), and the Archiving add-on for an extra $6/mailbox/month (for unlimited storage).
As recently as November 2025, Rackspace charged $3/mailbox/month for its Standard plan, and an extra $1/mailbox/month for the Email Plus add-on, and an additional $3/mailbox/month for the Archival add-on, according to the Internet Archive’s Wayback Machine.
Alexander Rhodes, the founder of the pornography addiction self-help group NoFap and repeat plaintiff, sued the parent company of Pornhub, Aylo, along with the University of California Los Angeles, two scientists, and an academic publisher for defamation. Filed in a court of common pleas in Allegheny County, Pennsylvania, and since removed to federal court by the defendants, the suit has gone under the radar by most news outlets.
I wrote for one of my publishers about the lawsuit but little coverage has picked it up. I hope that changes in the coming months as litigation advances in the case.
The lawsuit alleges a civil conspiracy bankrolled by Aylo to defame Rhodes and NoFap. Rhodes is a divisive figure in the wider anti-porn discussion as he believes that breaking “pornography addiction,” (which is not an accepted diagnosis in the DSM-5) requires participants to not engage in masturbation or watching pornography in a bid to “reboot” their brains. The theory is not supported by most science.
Nonetheless, he and his movement have gained traction over the years. Some sexual health experts started to scrutinize the claims of the NoFap philosophy as well as its supposed scientific basis. Because there has been some research pushing back on some of NoFap’s claims, lawyers for Rhodes claims it is proof of organized and explicit coordination to defame him. According to the lawsuit, Aylo is supposedly at the center of this scheme and allegedly paid off two scientists who have published critical research on NoFap. Furthermore, the complaint argues that UCLA and the academic publisher Taylor & Francis engaged in this defamation scheme by “aiding and abetting” the pair of scientists and Aylo by publishing the research.
This is a very weird lawsuit.
But what makes it weirder and more alarming than it is stems from the narrative pushed by the plaintiffs. In a bid to demonstrate the conspiracy, Rhodes presents a theory that the scientists and Aylo actively engaged in media pitches to dozens of journalists and other media personalities, including myself, to advance messages that disparage the NoFap company and its founder. Companies doing media pitches happen every day. Media pitches do not make anything into a conspiracy.
According to this theory, Rhodes alleges a coordinated media narrative that advances Aylo’s interests with the supposed end goal of… silencing this random dude who makes money off of telling people not to watch porn and jerk off. Even though Rhodes has the right to believe and communicate what he believes, it is quite a reach to insist that research and criticism of his beliefs and movement, including bog standard press coverage, amount to a conspiracy to defame.
Having people review strong claims is part of how academic research works. Having the media cover that research happens every day. It is silly to conclude that this turns it into a conspiracy.
And this week, Rhodes ramped things up a notch by claiming not just your garden variety conspiracy, but a RICO claim. Rather than go into the details of that, we’ll just point you to an archive of Ken White’s lawsplainer: IT’S NOT RICO, DAMMIT.
His lawyers mention about 38 people who have written or tried to write about NoFap and Rhodes in a negative light. Their coverage has been almost entirely critical of his claims. For example, my writing on NoFap has been critical in the context that it pushes and reinforces anti-pornography sentiments among social conservative groups and is a constituent faction of the so-called online manosphere. I have heard that some publishers of mine have been served up threats of legal action and/or retraction demands for my reporting and analysis about these groups.
Other journalists, like Gustavo Turner, have written on some of the more outlandish claims of so-called porn induced erectile dysfunction (PIED). PIED is not an official diagnosis, and is more likely to be related to underlying issues as pornography is wholly unlikely to contribute to erectile dysfunction among men. Turner was called a “collaborator” against Rhodes in the suit, even though Turner has never directly written about him, and defamation has to be of and about someone specifically. The article linked above, which is also mentioned in the lawsuit does not discuss Rhodes and only mentions “NoFap” in the context of a hashtag “phenomena,” not having anything to do with Rhodes’ organization specifically.
Others mentioned in the lawsuit include authors with bylines at other outlets like Salon, Rolling Stone, Vice, and many others. He mentions “disparaging” media communicated by LGBTQ+ figures like Dan Savage of the Savage Love podcast because Savage hosted one of the defendants on his podcast talking about her research.
The lawsuit is quite expansive.
While I am not a defendant in the case, I still feel that listing out the simple mentioning of Rhodes’ critics as part of the grand conspiracy is a form of intimidation. It’s not as direct, but Rhodes appears to be trying to put on notice those who scrutinize the claims he makes that they could be the next defendant added.
This chills speech and reporting on more than just Rhodes and NoFap. It speaks to wider sentiments in today’s culture about how the courts can be a weapon to censor journalists from doing their jobs.
Already I have heard from journalists who claim that publications are rejecting pitches about Rhodes and NoFap, with the implication being that the publications are worried about litigation threats for merely writing about him. It feels like a classic case of chilling effects via a SLAPP suit, and it’s why anti-SLAPP laws are so important.
What is ironic is that Rhodes accuses the defendants in this case of intimidation: buying off journalists and the very outlets they allege advances the talking points of an organized civil conspiracy against his business and personage. Journalists aren’t a part of the conspiracy. They’re just reporting on what’s happening, and sometimes that includes research results. And, yes, sometimes that includes criticism of companies like Aylo for bad things they’ve done as well. Because journalists are reporting the news, not engaged in a grand conspiracy.
A thoughtful, reasonable, reflective person might take the time to personally reflect on why so many articles question the narrative he’s pushing. Others, however, might just claim a conspiracy against them.
Michael McGrady covers the tech and legal sides of the online porn business.
On Friday, OpenAI announced it will begin testing advertisements inside the ChatGPT app for some US users in a bid to expand its customer base and diversify revenue. The move represents a reversal for CEO Sam Altman, who in 2024 described advertising in ChatGPT as a "last resort" and expressed concerns that ads could erode user trust, although he did not completely rule out the possibility at the time.
The banner ads will appear in the coming weeks for logged-in users of the free version of ChatGPT as well as the new $8 per month ChatGPT Go plan, which OpenAI also announced Friday is now available worldwide. OpenAI first launched ChatGPT Go in India in August 2025 and has since rolled it out to over 170 countries.
Users paying for the more expensive Plus, Pro, Business, and Enterprise tiers will not see advertisements.
Security firm Mandiant has released a database that allows any administrative password protected by Microsoft’s NTLM.v1 hash algorithm to be hacked in an attempt to nudge users who continue using the deprecated function despite known weaknesses.
The database comes in the form of a rainbow table, which is a precomputed table of hash values linked to their corresponding plaintext. These generic tables, which work against multiple hashing schemes, allow hackers to take over accounts by quickly mapping a stolen hash to its password counterpart. NTLMv1 rainbow tables are particularly easy to construct because of NTLMv1’s limited keyspace, meaning the relatively small number of possible passwords the hashing function allows for. NTLMv1 rainbow tables have existed for two decades but typically require large amounts of resources to make any use of them.
New ammo for security pros
On Thursday, Mandiant said it had released an NTLMv1 rainbow table that will allow defenders and researchers (and, of course, malicious hackers, too) to recover passwords in under 12 hours using consumer hardware costing less than $600 USD. The table is hosted in Google Cloud. The database works against Net-NTLMv1 passwords, which are used in network authentication for accessing resources such as SMB network sharing.
We’ve said it before, and we’ll keep saying it because apparently it needs repeating: Donald Trump is not a free speech president. He just plays one on TV while doing the exact opposite behind the scenes. And in front of the scenes. And basically everywhere. Over and over and over again.
Nora Benavidez at Free Press (not the Bari Weiss publication, but the civil society group that has been around for years) has done the tedious but essential work of actually counting the censorship attempts from the Trump administration over the administration’s first year. Writing in the New York Times, she puts the number at around 200 documented instances:
Since returning to office, Mr. Trump and his administration have tried to undermine the First Amendment, suppress information that he and his supporters don’t like and hamstring parts of the academic, legal and private sectors through lawsuits and coercion — to flood the zone, as his ally Steve Bannon might say.
Two hundred. In a single year. From the guy who never shuts up about how he’s the greatest defender of free speech in American history.
As we pointed out a few months back, Trump didn’t just stumble into hypocrisy—he (as he does so often these days) literally said the quiet part out loud when explaining his executive order attempting to criminalize flag burning:
“We took the freedom of speech away.”
That’s… that’s not the flex you think it is, my dude.
The examples Benavidez catalogs range from the high-profile to the quietly terrifying. Many you’ve probably heard about:
His administration banned Associated Press reporters from certain parts of the White House and Air Force One because the outlet uses “Gulf of Mexico” rather than the term Mr. Trump prefers, “Gulf of America.” It tried and failed to force some of the nation’s biggest news organizations to agree to restrictions on coverage of the Pentagon. He has said critical coverage of his initiatives is “really illegal.”
In March, Mahmoud Khalil, a green card holder and a leader of pro-Palestinian demonstrations on the Columbia campus, was arrested and detained by immigration officials for several months. That month, Rumeysa Ozturk, a student visa holder, was arrested by immigration officials and detained for several weeks, apparently because she was an author of an opinion essay criticizing Tufts University for its response to the Israel-Hamas war.
Arresting people and threatening deportation because of their political speech. That’s not a misunderstanding of the First Amendment—it’s a direct assault on it.
And the targets keep expanding.
After Federal District Court Judge James Boasberg ruled against the administration in a case involving the deportation of Venezuelans to El Salvador, Mr. Trump called for the judgeto be impeached. A trainee wasdismissedfrom the F.B.I.’s academy, apparently for having displayed an L.G.B.T.Q. Pride flag. The F.B.I. also appears to havefiredagents for kneeling during George Floyd protests.
The administration has gone after law firms, forcing settlements where they agree to do pro bono work for administration-approved causes. Universities have been coerced into changing policies and paying millions. Social media platforms—the same ones MAGA world spent years screaming about for “censorship”—have been sued over their content moderation decisions and forced into “settlements” to stay in the good graces of our thin-skinned dictator wannabe:
Mr. Trump has sued social media platforms for their content moderation policies — free-speech decisions, in other words — leading to Meta, X and YouTube capitulating through settlements totaling around $60 million.
Let’s be clear about what that means: the President of the United States sued private companies because he didn’t like how they exercised their own First Amendment rights regarding what speech to host on their own platforms. And got them to pay up, because the alternative of being a constant target, was worse.
That’s the opposite of free speech.
Remember all those years of Republicans insisting that when private platforms made moderation decisions they didn’t like, it was “censorship,” but when the government did it, that was just fine? Yeah. We’re living in that world now.
Benavidez makes an important point about how this all works together:
What is important to recognize is that these efforts work in concert in their frequency and their volume: Even the most egregious cases seem to quickly fade from public consciousness, and in that way, they’re clearly meant to overwhelm us and make us think twice about exercising our rights.
This is the Bannon “flood the zone” strategy applied to constitutional rights. You can’t focus on any single outrage because there are fifteen new ones by the time you finish reading about it. Each individual act of censorship might spark a news cycle, but two hundred of them? That’s just… Tuesday.
And here’s what’s maddening: this is the same guy whose supporters spent years screaming that the Biden administration was engaged in unprecedented censorship because some officials sent some angry emails to social media companies—emails that, as we’ve covered extensively, the companies routinely ignored. That was the constitutional crisis that required Elon Musk to buy Twitter and “free the bird.”
But actual government coercion? Actual arrests? Actual lawsuits forcing private companies to change their speech policies? Actual bans on journalists? That’s apparently just “making America great again.”
Benavidez closes with a warning that shouldn’t need stating but apparently does:
But constitutional rights and democratic norms don’t disappear all at once; they erode slowly. The next three years will require a vigilant defense of free speech and open debate.
She’s right. And part of that vigilance means not letting the “free speech” crowd get away with pretending that the guy actively engaged in government censorship at scale is somehow its greatest defender.
Two hundred times. In one year. And we’re just getting started on year two.
The DOJ can’t indict a ham sandwich these days. That old saying doesn’t ring as true as it used to now that most of the DOJ’s work is just vindictive prosecutions.
It’s not just cases being tossed because DOJ prosecutors weren’t legally appointed to their positions. This dates back to the early parts of last year when the DOJ was trying to turn anti-ICE protesters into convicted felons. Most notoriously, the government failed to secure an assault indictment against Sean Dunn, a DC resident who famously “assaulted” an ICE officer by throwing a literal sandwich at them.
Former Trump personal lawyer Lindsey Halligan did manage to secure indictments (after multiple attempts) against former FBI director James Comey and current New York Attorney General Letitia James. Those case are gone but not because the grand juries rebelled, but because the “rule of law” party ignored a lot of rules and laws.
In 2016, the most recent year for which the Justice Department has published data, federal prosecutors concluded more than 155,000 prosecutions and declined over 25,000 cases presented by investigators. In only six instances was a grand jury’s refusal to indict listed as the reason for dropping the matter.
Lindsey Halligan managed to rack up nearly half that amount in a single case:
A grand jury rejected one of three charges Halligan proposed against Comey. She initially secured an indictment against James, but after a judge threw that case out , two grand juries voted down new indictments.
She did this twice with the same proposed defendant. The DOJ surpassed this number of rejections less than halfway through 2025, as grand juries not only rejected the vindictive prosecution of the DC sandwich thrower, but dozens of other cases brought by prosecutors.
At one point earlier this year, [DOJ US Attorney Bill] Essayli’s office had managed to secure indictments in less than a quarter of the felony cases it brought in connection with protests or immigration raids, the Los Angeles Times reported.
We’ve spent plenty of time criticizing grand juries here at Techdirt. But something weird and quietly wonderful is happening all over the nation, which is returning grand juries back to their roots: a crucial part of the system of checks and balances.
They’re a carryover from the British Empire, but one the founding fathers felt actually had some merit, as former federal prosecutor Randall Eliason explained in post last year discussing the DOJ’s multiple failures:
The Constitution requires that every federal felony be indicted by a grand jury. This safeguard was inherited from the British legal system, where it dates back to the Magna Carta in the 13th century. To prevent the king from arbitrarily locking up people for improper reasons, British law required the Crown to present its evidence to a panel of residents of the local community to establish that criminal charges were justified. The case could only proceed if that group of citizens, the grand jury, approved the charges.
We’re dealing with a president who thinks he’s a king. And his DOJ is finding out that regular Americans not only don’t view him as a king, but aren’t willing to rubber stamp a bunch of vindictive prosecutions meant to remind citizens who’s in power.
Halligan went 1-for-3 in her attempted prosecution of James Comey. Former Fox commentator Jeanine Pirro did even worse when trying to prosecute an anti-ICE protester for assault.
Pirro’s office presented these facts to a D.C. federal grand jury and asked them to indict Reid for assaulting, resisting, or impeding a federal officer, a felony punishable by up to eight years in prison. When the grand jury refused, prosecutors tried again with a second grand jury. And then with a third. Each grand jury refused to return the indictment sought by prosecutors.
Now that this sort of thing is almost a daily occurrence, Trump loyalists like Pirro are blaming their inability to secure indictments on the public, rather than their own inability to read the room and discard felony charges jury members don’t seem to believe are warranted. That’s part of the reason why so many indictments are returned by grand juries: prosecutors who actually know what they’re doing (rather than the stunt casting that passes for federal agency appointments under Trump) will ditch cases that seem doomed to be rejected by grand jurors.
No one in the administration will learn anything from this. Bill Essayli will continue to scream at his underlings for failing to turn vindictive bullshit into prison sentences. Lindsey Halligan will continue to bumblefuck her way into an eventual firing for failing to fulfill Trump’s revenge fantasies. And other under-qualified former Fox b-listers will return to their former employer to complain their losses are just more evidence of a latent strain of liberalism that’s making America less great again.
“There are a lot of people who sit on juries and and they live in Georgetown or in Northwest or in some of these better areas, and they don’t see the reality of crime that is occurring,” Pirro said in August on “Fox News Sunday.”
Pirro also blamed that alleged indifference to crime for a grand jury’s refusal to indict Justice Department paralegal Sean Dunn for throwing a Subway sandwich at a Customs and Border Protection agent during a street confrontation earlier that month.
“The grand jurors don’t take it so seriously. They’re like, ‘Eh, you know, whatever.’ My job is to try to turn that around,” Pirro said.
Like many people in Trump’s orbit, Pirro is so divorced from reality she should be cutting it alimony checks every month. The grand juries are taking it seriously. It’s the DOJ prosecutors that are being glib, treating every ridiculous case like a foregone conclusion as they try to convert Trump’s desire for vengeance into criminal charges. Say what you will about grand juries, but it appears jurors aren’t willing to help the government strip people of their freedom just because it’s angry.
The Complete Superstar Photographer Bundle has 11 courses to help take your photography skills to the next level. Two course start you off with the basics of photography and how to take advantage of your DSLR camera. Other courses focus on lighting and posing techniques, how to photograph landscapes, food, portraits, and groups, night photography tips, editing, and more. The bundle is on sale for $30.
Note: The Techdirt Deals Store is powered and curated by StackCommerce. A portion of all sales from Techdirt Deals helps support Techdirt. The products featured do not reflect endorsements by our editorial team.
With the current mess that the US is in, there has been plenty of talk of “what comes after” and how to think about the big structural changes needed to prevent another authoritarian from taking over and abusing all the levers of power for corruption and self-enrichment.
There are many different issues to address, but we should be thinking creatively about how to redesign our institutions to be more resilient to the abuses we’re witnessing.
One area ripe for creative rethinking is the federal judiciary, particularly the Supreme Court. Because right now, we have a system where individual judges matter way, way too much. Rather than the minor reforms and incremental changes some are suggesting, I think the solution is to go big. Really big. Expand the Supreme Court to at least 100 justices, with cases heard by randomized panels.
I’ll explain the details below, but the core philosophy is simple: no single Supreme Court Justice should ever matter that much.
President Trump has found a powerful but obscure bulwark in the appeals court judges he appointed during his first term. They have voted overwhelmingly in his favor when his administration’s actions have been challenged in court in his current term, a New York Times analysis of their 2025 records shows.
Time and again, appellate judges chosen by Mr. Trump in his first term reversed rulings made by district court judges in his second, clearing the way for his policies and gradually eroding a perception early last year that the legal system was thwarting his efforts to amass presidential power.
The actual figures are damning. Trump’s appellate appointees voted to allow his policies to take effect 133 times and voted against them only 12 times. That’s 92 percent of their votes in favor of the administration.
When Chief Justice John Roberts responded to Trump’s criticism of an “Obama judge” back in 2018, he insisted that “we do not have Obama judges or Trump judges, Bush judges or Clinton judges.”
The data suggests Roberts was either naive or lying.
The Times analyzed every judicial ruling on Mr. Trump’s second-term agenda, from Jan. 20 to Dec. 31 of last year, or more than 500 orders issued across 900 cases. About half of rulings at the appellate level were in Mr. Trump’s favor — better than his performance with the district courts, though worse than his record at the Supreme Court, where the rulings on his agenda have almost all been on a preliminary basis in response to emergency applications.
And there it is. The higher you go up the judicial food chain, the better Trump does. District courts ruled in his favor 25% of the time. Appeals courts: 51%. The Supreme Court: 88%.
Now, some will argue this is the system working as designed—higher courts correcting overzealous lower court judges. And sure, that’s part of what appeals courts do. But the pattern here isn’t just about legal merit. It’s about how much individual judges matter, and how vulnerable the system is to ideological capture.
The uniformity of the judges’ votes is reason for serious concern, said Mark L. Wolf, a former federal judge nominated by President Ronald Reagan. Judge Wolf recently retired so he could speak more freely about what he has characterized as the threat that Mr. Trump posed to the rule of law.
“If you’re an impartial judge, the same party is not going to win every time,” he said. “Because the facts are different, the law is different, and so the result is often going to be different.”
This gets at the fundamental problem. When you have a small number of judges with lifetime appointments, whose ideological leanings are known quantities, those individual judges become enormously powerful. A single justice retiring or dying at the wrong time can reshape American law for a generation. That’s insane. No single person should have that kind of power over the constitutional rights of 330 million people.
And it gets worse. The Times found that three Trump appointees on the D.C. Circuit—Judges Gregory Katsas, Neomi Rao, and Justin Walker—accounted for more than half of all pro-Trump votes from Trump’s appellate appointees. Three judges. In one circuit. Exercising “outsized influence.”
Combined, Judges Gregory G. Katsas, Neomi Rao, and Justin R. Walker voted 75 times in favor of the administration — slightly more than half of the pro-Trump votes from Mr. Trump’s appointees logged by the Times analysis — and only three times against.
So what do we do about this?
The typical response from Democrats when they’re in power is to either accept the status quo or propose modest reforms that don’t actually address the structural problem. Republicans, meanwhile, have been playing the long game on judicial appointments for decades, understanding that packing the courts with ideologically aligned young judges is one of the most effective ways to entrench their policy preferences beyond electoral accountability.
We need to think bigger. Much bigger.
Here’s my proposal: Expand the Supreme Court to at least 100 justices, with cases heard by randomized panels of 9 justices. High-profile or particularly important cases could be reheard en banc by a larger panel or the entire court, similar to how it’s currently done in appeals courts.
Before you dismiss this as just another “court packing” scheme, let me explain why it’s fundamentally different from what FDR tried to do in 1937.
FDR’s plan was explicitly designed to shift the ideological balance of the court in his favor. He wanted to add up to six new justices precisely because the existing court kept striking down New Deal programs. The goal was partisan advantage, and everyone knew it. That’s why it failed—even FDR’s own party largely opposed it as a power grab.
What I’m proposing is the opposite. By expanding to at least 100 justices, you’re not packing the court in any ideological direction. You’re diluting the power of any individual justice—or any ideological bloc—to the point where it doesn’t matter nearly as much who gets appointed or when they retire or die. And unlike some reform proposals that would require a constitutional amendment, this one doesn’t. The Constitution doesn’t specify the size of the Supreme Court—Congress has changed it before, from as few as five justices to as many as ten.
Think about it this way: Right now, replacing one justice out of nine can shift the balance of the court from 5-4 one way to 5-4 the other way. That’s an enormous swing from a single personnel change. But if you have 100 justices, and cases are heard by randomized panels of 9, the ideological composition of any given panel becomes much more variable, and the overall composition of the court becomes much more stable over time.
No single president appointing one or two or even ten justices can fundamentally reshape the court. No single justice dying at an inopportune moment can throw constitutional law into chaos. The incentive for presidents to appoint ideological extremists diminishes because no individual justice will be important enough to matter that much.
This is the core principle: No single Supreme Court justice should ever be important enough to matter.
We shouldn’t care who any individual justice is. We shouldn’t have national freakouts when an 87-year-old justice refuses to retire. We shouldn’t have presidents salivating over the actuarial tables of aging justices. The system should be robust enough to absorb personnel changes without lurching wildly in one direction or another.
How would this work in practice? There are several possibilities.
One approach would be to elevate existing appeals court judges to the Supreme Court. This could happen all at once or gradually over time. Given that there are currently around 180 active appeals court judges, drawing from this pool wouldn’t be difficult from a numbers perspective.
Another approach would be a rotating system where appeals court judges serve temporary terms on the Supreme Court. This would actually align with how many other countries structure their highest courts and would create a more fluid relationship between the appellate and Supreme Court levels.
Either approach could be combined with term limits—say, 18 years—for Supreme Court justices. Term limits address a different but related problem: the arbitrary power that comes from lifetime appointments combined with advances in life expectancy. When the Constitution was written, justices served an average of about 15 years. Now they routinely serve 25, 30, or more. Term limits would make appointments more predictable and reduce the incentive for presidents to appoint the youngest possible ideologues who might serve for four decades.
There are additional benefits to this approach beyond diluting individual power.
First, the Supreme Court could actually hear more cases. The court has been steadily shrinking its docket for decades, from around 150 cases per year in the 1980s to around 60-70 today. With multiple panels operating simultaneously, the court could address far more legal questions, reducing the enormous backlog of important issues that never get resolved.
Second, it could help rationalize the federal circuit system. The Ninth Circuit, for example, is a behemoth that covers nine states plus Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands, with more than twice as many judges as the smallest circuits. With a reorganized Supreme Court drawing from an expanded pool of appellate judges, there would be an opportunity to realign the circuits into more sensible and equally-sized units.
Third, randomized panels would undermine the strategic timing that currently shapes which cases reach the court and when. Right now, advocacy groups wait for favorable court compositions before pushing major cases. The Dobbs decision that overturned Roe v. Wade didn’t happen by accident in 2022—anti-abortion activists had been deliberately holding back their most aggressive challenges for years, waiting until they knew they had a 6-3 anti-abortion majority locked in. With randomized panels drawn from 100 justices, that kind of strategic patience becomes pointless. You can’t game a court composition you can’t predict.
Now, there are legitimate questions and criticisms of this approach.
Some will argue that a 100-justice court would produce inconsistent rulings—different panels reaching different conclusions on similar issues. This is a real concern, but it’s manageable. En banc review could resolve circuit splits and ensure consistency on the most important questions. And frankly, we already have inconsistency—different circuit courts regularly reach contradictory conclusions that take years to resolve. Also the Supreme Court’s composition continually changes over time, and we still accept the results from different panels. No one sees a problem with relying on cases from half a century ago even though none of the Justices who made those rulings is even alive, let alone on the court, any more.
The most serious objection is political: any expansion would be seen as partisan court packing regardless of intent. This is true. Republicans would scream bloody murder if Democrats expanded the court by 91 justices, no matter how the new seats were filled. But Republicans are already screaming bloody murder about the courts whenever they don’t get their way. The question isn’t whether a reform will be controversial. The question is whether it will actually fix the problem.
The status quo isn’t neutral. A system where individual justices wield enormous power is a system that advantages whoever is best at the long game of judicial appointments. For the past several decades, that’s been Republicans.
Refusing to change a broken system because change might be controversial is just accepting permanent disadvantage while pretending to take the high road. Indeed, for anyone who (falsely) claims that this plan is “packing the court” (a la FDR), it’s the opposite. The Republicans and the Federalist Society spent decades plotting out things to get us where we are today, with a court that is “packed” in favor of their interests.
This is about unpacking the court.
The data from the Times analysis should alarm everyone who cares about an independent judiciary. When 92 percent of a president’s judicial appointees vote in his favor, that’s not impartial justice. That’s a rubber stamp. And when that pattern intensifies the higher you go in the judicial system, culminating in an 88% success rate at the Supreme Court, you have a system that’s been captured.
The solution isn’t to try to capture it for the other side. The solution is to build a system that’s resistant to capture in the first place.
Make the Supreme Court so large that no president can pack it. Make individual justices so interchangeable that none of them become celebrities or villains. Make the system boring. Make it work.
Because right now, we have a Supreme Court where everyone knows exactly who the swing vote is, where entire advocacy organizations are built around influencing specific justices, where presidential elections are decided partly on who might die in the next four years.
That’s not how a functional judicial system in a modern democracy should work. It’s time to unpack the court.
On Thursday, Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC) reported record fourth-quarter earnings and said it expects AI chip demand to continue for years. During an earnings call, CEO C.C. Wei told investors that while he cannot predict the semiconductor industry's long-term trajectory, he remains bullish on AI.
TSMC manufactures chips for companies including Apple, Nvidia, AMD, and Qualcomm, making it a linchpin of the global electronics supply chain. The company produces the vast majority of the world's most advanced semiconductors, and its factories in Taiwan have become a focal point of US-China tensions over technology and trade. When TSMC reports strong demand and ramps up spending, it signals that the companies designing AI chips expect years of continued growth.
"All in all, I believe in my point of view, the AI is real—not only real, it's starting to grow into our daily life. And we believe that is kind of—we call it AI megatrend, we certainly would believe that," Wei said during the call. "So another question is 'can the semiconductor industry be good for three, four, five years in a row?' I'll tell you the truth, I don't know. But I look at the AI, it looks like it's going to be like an endless—I mean, that for many years to come."
This week’s Debrief features novel gadgets and upgrades from Cotic, Petzl, and Growtac, the all-new Tarptent ProTrek, Ti Starling cranks, multiple events to check out, and much more. Find it all here…
This week’s Debrief features novel gadgets and upgrades from Cotic, Petzl, and Growtac, the all-new Tarptent ProTrek, Ti Starling cranks, multiple events to check out, and much more. Find it all here…
Our Reader's Rig of the week comes from Erin and Megan in Colorado, who share the loaded Co-Motion Java tandem they recently pedaled down the Peru Great Divide and the GDMBR. Check out their bike and learn about how it serves as a rolling representation of their relationship here...
The new Shimano PD-EH510 is a dual-sided clipless and flat pedal with a versatile design intent. For more on this new hybrid pedal, dive into the details below...
The new Shimano PD-EH510 is a dual-sided clipless and flat pedal with a versatile design intent. For more on this new hybrid pedal, dive into the details below...
Last May we noted how Verizon was lobbying the Trump administration to eliminate rules making it easier to switch mobile providers (and bring your phone with you). And as usual with the pay-to-play Trump administration, the Trump FCC is tripping over itself to give Verizon what it wants.
The Trump FCC says it is eliminating rules requiring that Verizon unlock handsets 60 days after they are activated on its network. As part of its lobbying efforts, Verizon has falsely claimed that adhering to the 60 day unlocking requirements is somehow a huge boon to criminals, something Brendan Carr’s industry-coddling FCC parrots in the agency’s announcement:
“[The rule] required one wireless carrier to unlock their handsets well earlier than standard industry practice, thus creating an incentive for bad actors to steal those handsets for purposes of carrying out fraud and other illegal acts.”
This is, you’ll be surprised to learn, a lie.
Older folks might remember that Verizon used to be even more obnoxious on this subject of consumer freedom. Once upon a time, the company banned you from even using third-party apps (including basics like GPS), forcing you to use extremely shitty Verizon apps. It also used to be horrendous when it came to unlocking phones, switching carriers, and using the device of your choice on the Verizon network.
Two things changed that. One, back in 2008 when the company acquired spectrum that came with requirements that users be allowed to use the devices of their choice. And two, as part of merger conditions affixed to its 2021 acquisition of Tracfone. Thanks to those two events Verizon was dragged, kicking and screaming, into a new era of openness that was of huge benefit to the public.
Here you have both a major wireless company and U.S. regulators lying to your face, insisting that killing these basic protections help create a “uniform industry standard that can help stem the flow of handsets into the black market.”
Verizon used to sell phones that were already fully unlocked, but received a waiver from the first Trump administration in 2019 after the company again lied about how making it easier to switch carriers would make it harder to “prevent fraud.”
Ultimately, what Verizon (and its friends at the corrupt FCC) want is zero government oversight whatsoever, taking us back to the days when Verizon could impose any number of obnoxious restrictions designed to harm (device and app) competition and the public interest. They want to bring back the era where you were locked to one provider via locked phones and long-term contracts.
Given enough time and rope, they’ll inevitably push to be able to control what apps and services you can use (read: net neutrality). This desire to exploit telecom monopoly power operates a bit like the physics of running water; it only really goes one direction without functional government oversight.
Because U.S. journalism is a clown show, many outlets are taking Verizon and the FCC’s unsubstantiated claims of increased fraud and parroting them in headlines, like Reuters does here:
In exchange, Verizon obediently acquiesces to administration demands that executives remain quiet while the administration destroys democracy and civil rights, and occasionally makes an effort to try to be more sexist and racist. So far that corrupt symbiosis is working out well for both parties.
Looking back at another successful Good Night Campout, we share a handpicked selection of our favorite overnight getaways shared by readers in New Zealand, Brazil, Portugal, the United States, Türkiye, the Philippines, and beyond. Find our first roundup of colorful and captivating mini reports from nights under the stars here...
We get this question from time to time: Can you inflate Rene Herse TPU tubes with pumps that connect to the valve with a hose? The valve stem is smooth. The hose of the pump needs threads to hold onto the valve. Here’s why it works just fine:
The valve stem is smooth, but the valve core is threaded. That’s how it is screwed into the valve stem, and that’s how the valve cap is screwed on.
To inflate the tube, remove the valve cap to expose the threads of the valve core. Unscrew the little nut at the top of the valve to allow air into the tube.
Now thread on the hose of your pump. The hose connects to the threads of the valve core. (It doesn’t engage with the larger threads found on some valve stems.) Now you can inflate the tire.
Unthreaded stems have always been common on tubular tires and also on tubes intended for performance bikes. Why? Because many traditional pumps for racing bikes are pressed onto the valve, not screwed on, to allow for faster inflation. The classic Silca pumps are one example. Our NUDA carbon minipump is another.
Pressed-on pump heads go over the valve stem, not just the core. Sliding the pump head onto the valve is easy, whether the stem is threaded or smooth. Removing the pump is always harder than putting it onto the valve: Once you inflate the tire, air pressure pushes against the O-ring that seals the pump against the valve. With threaded valve stems, the O-ring can lock onto the valve. If that happens, removing the pump head can be very difficult. Obviously, smooth valve stems avoid this.
Threaded or unthreaded, both types of valve stems work well. We have a (slight) preference for unthreaded valves since they work equally well with both styles of pumps: press-on heads or screw-on hoses. It’s not a big deal either way.
A notorious website (which address I won’t mention) recently blamed a new cinema lens (which I also won’t name) for being almost unusable outside the centre of the frame. According to the article, the only merit of the lens is its low price, which makes it affordable enough to fulfil specific creative needs. In short,...
Seasoned networkers will know to tell you that legacyIPv4 and modernIPv6 are, in fact, not directly compatible, and shipping traffic between IPv4 and IPv6 networks requires address family translation.
On our favorite operating system and its siblings, that special case has been handled via the af-to option and special case rules since back in the OpenBSD 5.1 days.
But that special case has always felt a bit awkward to some, and now David Gwynne (dlg@) is airing a patch on tech@ with a view to making af-to "less magical".
List: openbsd-tech
Subject: pf: make af-to less magical
From: David Gwynne <david () gwynne ! id ! au>
Date: 2026-01-16 2:11:57
Message-ID: aWmebWvdwBi6z98j () animata ! net
i only recently figured out that af-to is very special in pf, but i dont
think it should be.
currently af-to has the following restrictions:
1. it only works for incoming packets, ie, you can only use it on "pass
in" rules in pf.
2. it forces the translated packet to be forwarded.
a consequence of these, and 2 in particular, is that only one state is
created for an af-to connection over the firewall. this is unlike other
forwarded connections where there's generally two states created, one
when the packet comes in from the wire into the stack, and another when
the packet goes out from the stack to the wire.
Welcome to year two of the unmitigated disaster that is RFK Jr. being in charge of Health and Human Services and its child agencies. To call Kennedy an anti-vaxxer is not remotely controversial any longer, and probably never was. To state that he’s a corrupt peddler of misinformation from which he has, likely still is, and will in the future profit should be equally uncontroversial. And if there is a single health issue on which Kennedy has staked his dubious claims more than any other, it certainly must be autism spectrum disorder.
Kennedy, and Trump right alongside him, have been all over the map when it comes to his claims about autism. Kennedy was one of those leading the charge for decades in claiming that thimerosal in childhood vaccines was responsible for rising rates in autism diagnoses. When thimerosal was removed from most childhood vaccines over two decades ago and autism rates didn’t decrease, rather than admitting they were wrong, Kennedy and his cadre of hapless buffoons simply pivoted to another vaccine ingredient: aluminum. That ingredient has also been deemed safe by countless studies and experts. You know, people who actually know what the hell they’re talking about.
Since then, Kennedy has discovered all sorts of other causes of the disorder. Male circumcision? Autism! Make American girthy again, I suppose. Use of Tylenol by pregnant women and/or for young children? Autism! Fevers are super hot these days, y’all. And, of course, he is still claiming it might be vaccines too, because why the hell not? It’s not like measles is everywhere or anything.
Kennedy’s alteration of the CDC page on vaccines and autism to suggest that there just might be a link between the two is particularly appropriate, as the FDA just also disappeared a webpage informing the public on the various snake oil style scams that are out there purporting to treat autism as well.
…under anti-vaccine Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr.—who has numerous ties to the wellness industry—that FDA information webpage is now gone. It was quietly deleted at the end of last year, the Department of Health and Human Services confirmed to Ars Technica.
The defunct webpage, titled “Be Aware of Potentially Dangerous Products and Therapies that Claim to Treat Autism,” provided parents and other consumers with an overview of the problem. It began with a short description of autism and some evidence-based, FDA-approved medications that can help manage autism symptoms. Then, the regulatory agency provided a list of some false claims and unproven, potentially dangerous treatments it had been working to combat. “Some of these so-called therapies carry significant health risks,” the FDA wrote.
The list included chelation and hyperbaric oxygen therapy, treatments that those in the anti-vaccine and wellness spheres have championed.
It should be obvious already that there is no evidence to suggest that these so-called autism therapies work in any way, shape, or form. That’s why the FDA had a page up warning against their use. In some cases, the danger in using them is no joke either.
Hyperbaric oxygen chamber use is probably the lesser of the two concerns. They won’t do anything for your autism, but they are typically found in facilities with staff who aren’t medical professionals and aren’t always trained well in their use generally. That’s how one five year old (!!!) that visited a wellness center that claimed to treat autism with hyperbaric chambers was incinerated inside it when a spark went off and all of that concentrated oxygen ignited. On the one hand, this person certainly doesn’t have autism any longer, though I don’t think that’s how the result is supposed to be achieved.
Then there’s chelation therapy, a process by which chemical injections into the body are performed, so that these chemicals can bind to metals within a person’s bloodstream, allowing them to be excreted through waste. Chelation actually does have legitimate uses, such as when someone has heavy metal poisoning, typically from mercury, lead, or arsenic. Using chelation therarpy to remove non-approved minerals, however, can have negative health outcomes, including death. And, of course, one of Kennedy’s minions is David Geier. Geier is an anti-vaxxer who joined HHS to “find” the cause of autism and has long been advocate for chelation therapy.
To address this nonexistent problem, anti-vaccine activists have touted chelation as a way to remove metals delivered via vaccines and treat autism. One of the most notorious of these activists is David Geier, whom Kennedy hired to the US health department last year to study the debunked connection between vaccines and autism. David Geier, along with his late father, Mark Geier, faced discipline from the Maryland State Board of Physicians in 2011 for, among other things, putting the health of autistic children at risk by treating them with unproven and dangerous hormone and chelation therapies. Mark Geier was stripped of his medical license. David Geier, who is not a scientist or doctor, was issued a civil fine for practicing medicine without a license.
So why is all of this being done? Money, of course! Kennedy has surrounded himself with these “health guru” snakeoil salesmen, both in government and out, and the lot of them have made buckets and buckets of money doing this sort of thing.
Generally, my experience is that people think RFK Jr. is one of two things. One common belief is that he’s a health savior, finally sticking it to a corrupt medical industry and telling the truth about the real causes of real disorders like autism. That’s incredibly wrong for a million different reasons. The other common belief is that Kennedy’s views on vaccines and health are super wrong, and that he’s very dumb, but also that he’s a true believer.
That’s wrong, too. This is a grift and always has been. A money-making scheme built on the backs of illness and death for those who listen to him, all while he collects a government paycheck. That he was confirmed as Secretary of HHS at all was profane. That our government has allowed all of his bullshit to go unchecked and unaddressed, however, is perverse.
Following a recent series of commits by Helg Bredow (helg@) and Stefan Fritsch (sf@), OpenBSD/arm64 now works as a guest operating system under the Apple Hypervisor.
The commits read
List: openbsd-cvs
Subject: CVS: cvs.openbsd.org: src
From: Helg Bredow <helg () cvs ! openbsd ! org>
Date: 2026-01-12 18:15:33
CVSROOT: /cvs
Module name: src
Changes by: helg@cvs.openbsd.org 2026/01/12 11:15:33
Modified files:
sys/dev/pv : viogpu.c
Log message:
viogpu_wsmmap() returns a kva but instead should return a physical
address via bus_dmamem_mmap(9). Without this, QEMU would only show a
black screen when starting X11. On the Apple Hypervisor, the kernel
would panic.
The updated Nemo Dragonfly Bikepack Tent features a redesigned handlebar bag, weighs less than the previous version, and has new pole hardware. Take a closer look here...
We took the train for the 36 minute journey – a day trip would have been easy but we wanted to spend a few days away enjoying the food and local attractions. It was a pleasant 17degC (63 in old money) when we left and I hadn’t taken in my wife’s warnings that it was...
On Thursday, the Wikimedia Foundation announced API access deals with Microsoft, Meta, Amazon, Perplexity, and Mistral AI, expanding its effort to get major tech companies to pay for high-volume API access to Wikipedia content, which these companies use to train AI models like Microsoft Copilot and ChatGPT.
The deals mean that most major AI developers have now signed on to the foundation's Wikimedia Enterprise program, a commercial subsidiary that sells high-speed API access to Wikipedia's 65 million articles at higher speeds and volumes than the free public APIs provide. Wikipedia's content remains freely available under a Creative Commons license, but the Enterprise program charges for faster, higher-volume access to the data. The foundation did not disclose the financial terms of the deals.
The new partners join Google, which signed a deal with Wikimedia Enterprise in 2022, as well as smaller companies like Ecosia, Nomic, Pleias, ProRata, and Reef Media. The revenue helps offset infrastructure costs for the nonprofit, which otherwise relies on small public donations while watching its content become a staple of training data for AI models.
When I wrote about the Rene Herse components that are the lightest of their kind, I was reminded of a reader who once asked: “Why are you so focused on saving a gram here or there? For the 99.999% of us who are not professionally racing, but just wanting to get out there and ride, shouldn’t the focus be on function and longevity?”
Of course, the reader is right: Function is always more important than light weight—even for pro racers. A lightweight part that doesn’t work isn’t much good. To win a race, you first have to finish. And for those of us who can’t and don’t want to replace our components every season, longevity is more important than saving a few grams. We’re all in agreement here. But do we really have to choose? Or can we have light weight and function and longevity?
That depends on how the light weight is achieved. I first learned about that from Richard Sachs. Way back, he was supporting a small team of cyclocross racers. Their frames were made from ultra-light, thinwall tubing, yet they seemed to last as long as other frames, despite the hard use they saw. Frames fail at or near the joints, and thinwall tubes dissipate stresses better, whereas thicker, stiffer tubes concentrate the stresses at the joints. Hence a well-built frame made from high-quality thinwall tubes is no less durable—and potentially more durable—than a heavier frame made from thicker tubing.
Another influence was the German journalist and engineer Christian Smolik, whose classic book ‘Fahrrad Tuning’ showed how to modify components to make them lighter and stronger. Smolik also showed examples of poor lightweighting—things like drilling holes into brake calipers. He pointed out that there’s a difference between ‘stupid light’ and ‘smart light’:
‘Stupid light’ means taking a conventional bike part and making it lighter and lighter until it breaks. Then you add back a little material and hope it’s enough to make it work reliably—at least until the finish line of your race.
‘Smart light’ happens when you optimize a component and fine-tune the design until you have the right amount, of the right materials, in the right places. That means your component will inevitably be light—in fact, it’ll probably be lighter than the ‘stupid light’ component that doesn’t change the overall design and just replaces materials with lighter ones.
Let’s look at some examples of ‘smart light’ and ‘stupid light.’
Design: ‘Smart Light’
Butted spokes are a good example of components that are lighter and stronger. Double-butted spokes are thinner in the middle than at the ends. Less material means they are lighter. And because they are thinner, they are also more aero.
What may surprise many is that butted spokes are also stronger than ‘beefy’ unbutted spokes. Here’s why: Spokes fatigue when they get de-tensioned as the wheel compresses at the bottom, where the tire touches the road and pushes the wheel upward. Each time the wheel turns, every spoke goes through one cycle of de-tensioning and re-tensioning. After many, many cycles, the spoke will break.
With the same spoke tension, thinner spokes stretch more, so they lose less tension as the wheel compresses. This means that thinner spokes fatigue much less.
If spokes fail, they break at the ends, and that’s where double-butted spokes have the same amount of material as thick straight-gauge spokes. That makes double-butted spokes a ‘win-win’ idea: The ends are as thick and strong as straight spokes, while the middle is thin to reduce fatigue. The only down side of butted spokes is that they wind up more as you tension the wheel, so they require more skill from the wheelbuilder. Well, and they are more expensive, but the (small) extra cost is well worth it, when your wheels will last much, much longer.
Design: ‘Stupid Light’
When 650B wheels first became popular in the U.S., there were only two supple tires in the new wheel size. One was 32 mm wide, the other 42 mm. Clearly, there was a need for an in-between tire. A small company jumped into the fray, with a 38 mm tire that was ultralight, weighing just 300 grams.
How did they achieve the light weight? They simply made the tread as thin as possible. The casing was coated with just 1.3 mm of rubber. Rubber is heavy, so that saved a lot of weight. It also had an obvious drawback: There was no extra rubber to wear. Riders jokingly referred to these tires as ‘pre-worn.’ After 800-1,000 miles (1,500 km), the tires were threadbare.
Design: ‘Smart Light’
At Rene Herse Cycles, we don’t duplicate products that already exist, but the ‘superlight’ 650B x 38 mm tires weren’t really practical. When we developed our Rene Herse tires, we decided to make a 650B x 38 tire with a better service life.
With all our smooth tires, we add extra rubber on the center of the tread to increase their longevity. Our 38 mm tires last on average 4,000 to 5,000 miles (7,000 to 8,000 km)—about five (!) times as long as the ultra-light model available previously. Those few grams of rubber—visible in the cross-sections above if you look closely—don’t affect the rolling resistance, and the weight penalty is small.
We developed our Extralight casing that improves performance and comfort, while also saving some weight. The end result is a tire that is (almost) as light as those ‘pre-worn’ tires, but is a more reliable and economical choice.
Materials: ‘Stupid Light’
Choosing the wrong material is another way to create ‘stupid light’ components. In the 1970s, an Italian company offered a handlebar that weighed just 240 grams—lighter than any other aluminum bars. (This was before carbon handlebars became widely available.) The secret: The ‘Superleggero’ bars were made from 7075 aluminum.
Another Italian company made superlight ‘Ergal’ rims that were also made from 7075 aluminum. (‘Ergal’ is another name for 7075 aluminum.)
Looking at the table, 7075 aluminum looks like the perfect material for highly-stressed bicycle components: It’s stronger than other alloys. However, the table above doesn’t show two serious problems:
Once it’s heat-treated, 7075 aluminum does not bend, but it suddenly breaks if it’s flexed too far. That was an issue with the ‘Ergal’ rims: They were very strong, but really big impacts tended to shatter, rather than bend, them.
7075 aluminum suffers from ‘stress corrosion cracking’: If the part is flexed while exposed to moisture, tiny cracks open that let the moisture penetrate deep into the material. If the exposure continues, the cracks grow quickly. That’s an issue with handlebars: If the rider’s salty sweat penetrates the bar tape, it’ll cause corrosion cracking of the bars. And once the bars are weakened, they won’t bend, but suddenly snap.
However, not all bike parts made from 7075 aluminum suffer from failures. The ‘Superleggero’ bars above seem to have worked fine, at least in races on smooth roads. When the company pushed the technology further and introduced a 220 g bar, reports of failures became more common.
A few decades earlier, Campagnolo apparently used 7075 aluminum for their first cranks. The very first iteration had a square-ish cross section and worked fine. In 1961, Campagnolo changed the design to reduce the Q-factor, making the arms thinner (above). Even though the new arms were wider and used the same amount of aluminum, the less-square cross section was less strong in torsion. The result: Multiple cranks broke in the 1962 Tour de France. At the time, the failures were attributed an alloy that was ‘too dry’ as well as to the new shape. Apparently, the company then switched to 2014 aluminum for their crankarms—as mentioned in a 1970s Campagnolo ad.
Today, some companies again make their crankarms from 7075 aluminum. Why? The heat treatment of 2014 aluminum can be difficult to master. And if the heat treatment isn’t perfect, the strength of the alloy is much reduced. That’s why many suppliers don’t like to work with 2014 and prefer 7075 aluminum that’s easier to heat treat.
A friend bought a crank from a small company, made from 7075 aluminum. After riding it for 6 months—through one Colorado winter—he noticed many small rust-like pits on the surface of the arms. He sent the cranks to us so we could have a look. When we tried to sand out the cracks—standard practice to eliminate stress risers that can cause the cranks to break—we found that the cracks went deep into the metal.
Cranks are both constantly flexed and also exposed to spray on wet roads, so they are especially susceptible to stress corrosion cracking. Winter in Colorado is probably the worst-case scenario… Still, it was sobering to see how deep the cracks went after just 6 months of use. There was no way to salvage these cranks, and they were retired.
Here’s what we’ve learned from these examples. Rene Herse components take a clean-sheet approach to making components, so their light weight contributes to their performance (both speed and comfort) and their long-term durability.
Materials: ‘Smart Light’
Lightweight handlebars have advantages that go beyond their weight: The thin material flexes more and absorbs shocks better. The difference is noticeable, especially on long rides and/or rough terrain.
How to make light bars that are reliable? Even though it looks less strong on paper, 6061 aluminum is a better material for handlebars. Heat-treating the material adds strength—that’s the ‘T6’ after the alloy—which allows using thin walls for our Rene Herse bars. Not as thin as those old ‘Superleggeros,’ but 25 grams are a small price to pay for a bar that bends in a fall rather than shatters, and that isn’t susceptible to stress corrosion cracking. Especially since today’s handlebars are ridden and raced, not just on smooth roads, but also on gravel.
With cranks, 2014 aluminum—chosen by Campagnolo after their early cranks cracked—is still the best material for crankarms today. If road and gravel crankarms fail, it’s due to fatigue, not overloading due to impacts. Resistance to stress corrosion cracking is far more important than ultimate strength. We found a supplier who has mastered the heat treatment. (We check cranks from each batch to make sure…)
For the chainrings, 7075 aluminum is the material of choice. It’s harder and far more wear-resistant. Unlike crankarms, chainrings aren’t subjected to much flexing, so stress corrosion cracking isn’t an issue. The only concern with 7075 chainrings: They can’t be trued by bending them like 6061 chainrings, so they have to be manufactured to very tight tolerances. At that point, the resistance to bending becomes a plus: If your bike falls over, the chainrings won’t bend, but spring back after the impact.
The correct material choice, together with net-shape forging of the arms—rather than machining the arms to their final shape—enables Rene Herse cranks to pass the most stringent EN ‘Racing Bike’ standard for fatigue resistance, despite their light weight and slender shape. And thanks to the smart design—with just three arms where most cranks use four or five—they are also superlight.
We also offer titanium crank bolts that replace the steel bolts. Isn’t that ‘stupid light’? Not in this case: Beefy steel bolts are needed to seat the cranks on the square taper. Once the cranks are tight, holding them in place requires much less force. Tighten your cranks with our steel bolts first. Then replace the steel bolts with our ti bolts.
We use the strongest titanium for our bolts. In a pinch, so you could use them to tighten the crankarms, but we don’t recommend this.
How ‘Smart Light’ also improves function and longevity
In the opening paragraph, I wrote that light weight, done right, also improves function and longevity. A good example are our Rene Herse centerpull brakes.
Each Rene Herse centerpull brakes weighs 137 g and clears 42 mm tires with fenders. That’s less than top-of-the-line rim brakes for race bikes that clear 28 mm tires. How can we get so much clearance without extra weight?
We mount the brakes directly to the fork blades and seatstays. Direct-mount brakes are lighter, since they don’t need an extra piece connecting the pivots. Mounting the pivots directly to the frame eliminates flex in the connecting piece and in the center bolt. That makes the brake more powerful, in addition to saving weight. Less flex also means better modulation, since the angle of the brake pads doesn’t change as they squeeze the rim harder.
The shape of the arms is optimized using Finite Element Analysis, to put material only where it’s needed. Removing unnecessary materials saves weight. It also makes the arms stronger, since they are loaded uniformly across their entire length, without stress concentrations.
Less weight, more power, better modulation—all these positives go hand-in-hand. It’s like the butted spokes: Making them stronger and more powerful also makes them lighter.
For a long time, we were the only ones advocating for direct-mount brakes—until Shimano introduced direct-mount brakes in 2013. Once again, we were just a bit ahead of the rest of the bike industry.
All this applies to our cantilever brakes, too. The same features that make them so powerful also make them so light.
For our brakes, we also offer titanium bolts—but only where it makes sense. The eyebolts for the brake pads are big because they need a hole for the post of the pad, not because the stresses are super-high. So we make the eyebolts out of titanium—they are still more than strong enough.
The lower bolts attach the brake to the pivots. Those are made from steel to avoid any risk. Since they are short—they thread directly into the frame, rather than having to go through the bridge (rear) or fork crown (front)—the steel mounting bolts are so light that titanium wouldn’t save significant weight.
The titanium bolts (where they make sense) exist for a reason: A light bike feels different from a heavy one. And a light bike isn’t the result of one or two superlight parts, but of shaving 20 or 50 grams from every component. It all adds up—and you can really feel the difference when you ride. When you climb out of the saddle or when you lean the bike into a corner during a mountain descent, a light bike reacts differently from a heavy bike. And that is independent of how much the rider weighs.
Even for those of us who don’t care about racing or even about speed, a lightweight bike is more fun. And if the same things that make your bike lighter also improve function and longevity, what’s not to like?
In Neil's latest video, "Aspen Ridge Overnighter - The Long Way From Buena Vista To Salida," he discusses one of his favorite trips in colorful Colorado and a recent addition to our route network. Watch it below...
With these twocommits, Mike Larkin (mlarkin@) set the stage for, and next up, bumped the maximum number of processors supported on OpenBSD/amd64 from 64 to 255.
After a year of riding bikes outside of his typical scope, Nic was excited to jump back on something more familiar. With plenty of time on road and randoneuring-inspired gravel bikes, the Bassi x Keystone Belmont presented an opportunity to see if the bikes he once favored are still relevant to him today. Learn more about this unique collaboration in his review below…
I’m relearning 35mm film. I grew up shooting on film. I’m 55 now, so my first camera was around 1984, when I was sixteen: a Minolta X-700, which I still have. Getting back into film hasn’t been smooth. Over the last two years, I’ve shot a brick of Shanghai GP3 100 and several rolls of...
Microsoft has fixed a vulnerability in its Copilot AI assistant that allowed hackers to pluck a host of sensitive user data with a single click on a legitimate URL.
The hackers in this case were white-hat researchers from security firm Varonis. The net effect of their multistage attack was that they exfiltrated data, including the target’s name, location, and details of specific events from the user’s Copilot chat history. The attack continued to run even when the user closed the Copilot chat, with no further interaction needed once the user clicked the link, a legitimate Copilot one, in the email. The attack and resulting data theft bypassed enterprise endpoint security controls and detection by endpoint protection apps.
It just works
“Once we deliver this link with this malicious prompt, the user just has to click on the link and the malicious task is immediately executed,” Varonis security researcher Dolev Taler told Ars. “Even if the user just clicks on the link and immediately closes the tab of Copilot chat, the exploit still works.”
On Tuesday, Bandcamp announced on Reddit that it will no longer permit AI-generated music on its platform. "Music and audio that is generated wholly or in substantial part by AI is not permitted on Bandcamp," the company wrote in a post to the r/bandcamp subreddit. The new policy also prohibits "any use of AI tools to impersonate other artists or styles."
The policy draws a line that some in the music community have debated: Where does tool use end and full automation begin? AI models are not artists in themselves, since they lack personhood and creative intent. But people do use AI tools to make music, and the spectrum runs from using AI for minor assistance (cleaning up audio, suggesting chord progressions) to typing a prompt and letting a model generate an entire track. Bandcamp's policy targets the latter end of that spectrum while leaving room for human artists who incorporate AI tools into a larger creative process.
The announcement emphasized the platform's desire to protect its community of human artists. "The fact that Bandcamp is home to such a vibrant community of real people making incredible music is something we want to protect and maintain," the company wrote. Bandcamp asked users to flag suspected AI-generated content through its reporting tools, and the company said it reserves "the right to remove any music on suspicion of being AI generated."
Executive Summary: Buy it! If compact primes are your thing, you are going to love the TTArtisan 75mm f/2 AF lens. In case you missed it (like me), TTArtisan released this excellent lens about a year ago, initially for the Sony and Nikon mirrorless platforms. Subsequently, they added an L-mount version (the subject of this...
Laura Kirkpatrick’s “When Adventure Became Everything” follows a 600-kilometer bikepacking trip across Croatia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina, capturing the highs and lows of life on the road. Watch the 20-minute video here...
The new DirtySixer 32er MonsterEnduro is designed around 32-inch wheels, comes in five frame sizes, from L to 4XL, and is specced with the new 32 x 2.4" Maxxis Dissector tires. Learn more here...
New from Curve Cycling in Australia, the Curve FLINTA* 850 is a free 850-kilometer bikepacking event for riders with marginalized gender and sexual identities. Find all the details here...
After learning that not all Silky Saws include a protective storage sheath, Miles took it upon himself to design one. In our latest DIY tutorial, he walks through how to make your own cinchable sleeve that keeps your saw protected and ready for action. Find a supply list, photos, and step-by-step instructions here…
Subject: rpki-client 9.7 released
From: Sebastian Benoit <benno () openbsd ! org>
Date: 2026-01-13 21:05:05
rpki-client 9.7 has just been released and will be available in the
rpki-client directory of any OpenBSD mirror soon. It is recommended
that all users upgrade to this version for improved reliability.
rpki-client is a FREE, easy-to-use implementation of the Resource
Public Key Infrastructure (RPKI) for Relying Parties to facilitate
validation of BGP announcements. The program queries the global RPKI
repository system and validates untrusted network inputs. The program
outputs validated ROA payloads, BGPsec Router keys, and ASPA payloads
in configuration formats suitable for OpenBGPD and BIRD, and supports
emitting CSV and JSON for consumption by other routing stacks.
I’m an Albuquerque-based photographer who has dabbled for years with not only film cameras but also paper negatives and pinhole cameras. Going back to the mid-1990s, I had set up a darkroom in my garage and was beginning to explore the use of black and white photo paper as an in-camera film. After I had...
In an announcement today, Ben Yeh, principal analyst at technology research firm Omdia, said that in 2025, “mainstream PC memory and storage costs rose by 40 percent to 70 percent, resulting in cost increases being passed through to customers.”
Researchers have discovered a never-before-seen framework that infects Linux machines with a wide assortment of modules that are notable for the range of advanced capabilities they provide to attackers.
The framework, referred to as VoidLink by its source code, features more than 30 modules that can be used to customize capabilities to meet attackers' needs for each infected machine. These modules can provide additional stealth and specific tools for reconnaissance, privilege escalation, and lateral movement inside a compromised network. The components can be easily added or removed as objectives change over the course of a campaign.
A focus on Linux inside the cloud
VoidLink can target machines within popular cloud services by detecting if an infected machine is hosted inside AWS, GCP, Azure, Alibaba, and Tencent, and there are indications that developers plan to add detections for Huawei, DigitalOcean, and Vultr in future releases. To detect which cloud service hosts the machine, VoidLink examines metadata using the respective vendor’s API.
On Monday, US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said he plans to integrate Elon Musk's AI tool, Grok, into Pentagon networks later this month. During remarks at the SpaceX headquarters in Texas reported by The Guardian, Hegseth said the integration would place "the world's leading AI models on every unclassified and classified network throughout our department."
The announcement comes weeks after Grok drew international backlash for generating sexualized images of women and children, although the Department of Defense has not released official documentation confirming Hegseth's announced timeline or implementation details.
During the same appearance, Hegseth rolled out what he called an "AI acceleration strategy" for the Department of Defense. The strategy, he said, will "unleash experimentation, eliminate bureaucratic barriers, focus on investments, and demonstrate the execution approach needed to ensure we lead in military AI and that it grows more dominant into the future."
On Tuesday, Microsoft announced a new initiative called "Community-First AI Infrastructure" that commits the company to paying full electricity costs for its data centers and refusing to seek local property tax reductions.
As demand for generative AI services has increased over the past year, Big Tech companies have been racing to spin up massive new data centers for serving chatbots and image generators that can have profound economic effects on the surrounding areas where they are located. Among other concerns, communities across the country have grown concerned that data centers are driving up residential electricity rates through heavy power consumption and by straining water supplies due to server cooling needs.
The International Energy Agency (IEA) projects that global data center electricity demand will more than double by 2030, reaching around 945 TWh, with the United States responsible for nearly half of total electricity demand growth over that period. This growth is happening while much of the country's electricity transmission infrastructure is more than 40 years old and under strain.
For Collective Reward #233, we teamed up with Luxefly Basecamp, winners of our 2025 “Best in Bikepacking Kitchen” award, to give away five camp meal bundles to randomly selected members of the Bikepacking Collective. Find all the tasty details here...
At the end of the post about the test of a Carl Zeiss Jena Sonnar 135/4 I concluded: “I didn’t miss more modern gear, and I didn’t lose a single shot because of the oddness of such an old lens. However, I wouldn’t do this experience again.”. So, how it comes that now I am...
The new Michelin Wild Performance tires are designed for aggressive mountain biking, featuring two compounds across multiple tire sizes. For more on these unique new offerings from Michelin, dive into the details here…
Chaffee County is home to a lot of great riding, from the Colorado Trail to sections of the Great Divide Mountain Bike Route, and plenty in between. Part of what […]
Mick Turnbull's latest video captures an easygoing bike tour across Japan’s picturesque northern island of Hokkaido. It’s a tribute to long days spent pedaling quiet roads, meandering along remote coastlines, and settling into the simple rhythms of traveling by bike. Watch the 25-minute video here...
For his 2025 Editor’s Dozen, Lucas looks back at a whirlwind year characterized by a “less but better” approach and highlights a mishmash of mostly old and some new favorites. From pennies or less to ultra-premium, find his most-loved bags, bikes, apps, places, boats, foods, and more here...
David Gwynne (dlg@)
has removed LACP mode from the
trunk(4) network driver.
The
commit message
explains the reasoning:
CVSROOT: /cvs
Module name: src
Changes by: dlg@cvs.openbsd.org 2026/01/11 21:38:15
Modified files:
share/man/man4 : trunk.4
sys/conf : files
sys/net : if_trunk.c
Log message:
remove lacp support from trunk(4)
lacp is better supported by aggr(4). users of lacp in trunk(4)
should migrate to aggr(4).
trunk(4) and the lacp support inside it is one of the last chunks
of code that still requires the netlock in the ethernet stack. the
last time i tried to fix this i ended up writing aggr(4), and nothing
about this code has improved since then. the other protos such as
failover and loadbalance are trivial in comparison and will be easy
to improve in the future.
discussed with and no objections from many
David also added an
entry
to the "Following current" FAQ
with additional details
and an example of migration to aggr(4).
On Sunday, Google removed some of its AI Overviews health summaries after a Guardian investigation found people were being put at risk by false and misleading information. The removals came after the newspaper found that Google's generative AI feature delivered inaccurate health information at the top of search results, potentially leading seriously ill patients to mistakenly conclude they are in good health.
Google disabled specific queries, such as "what is the normal range for liver blood tests," after experts contacted by The Guardian flagged the results as dangerous. The report also highlighted a critical error regarding pancreatic cancer: The AI suggested patients avoid high-fat foods, a recommendation that contradicts standard medical guidance to maintain weight and could jeopardize patient health. Despite these findings, Google only deactivated the summaries for the liver test queries, leaving other potentially harmful answers accessible.
The investigation revealed that searching for liver test norms generated raw data tables (listing specific enzymes like ALT, AST, and alkaline phosphatase) that lacked essential context. The AI feature also failed to adjust these figures for patient demographics such as age, sex, and ethnicity. Experts warned that because the AI model's definition of "normal" often differed from actual medical standards, patients with serious liver conditions might mistakenly believe they are healthy and skip necessary follow-up care.
How the virtual machine, a foundational element of cloud computing, found its modern footing after a couple of scientists proved a couple of theorems wrong.
Today in Tedium: Is there a technology that is more taken for granted in modern computing than virtualization? It’s an essential part of so many parts of modern computing, including cloud infrastructure. One could draw a straight line between virtual machines, which found their footing on x86 at the turn of the 21st century, and the myriad server farms that pepper the landscape today. But it’s worth keeping in mind that it wasn’t a guarantee that this would ever happen. Intel had all but written off this concept from the server world—and seemed primed to move to a new generation of hardware that might have gotten them there. But a startup not only proved that virtualization was possible, but likely opened up a cloud-forward economy that didn’t previously exist. (It might have been a rare time when hardware was playing catch-up to software.) Today’s Tedium talks about everyone’s favorite concept, virtualization. — Ernie @ Tedium
“For any conventional third generation computer, a virtual machine monitor may be constructed if the set of sensitive instructions for that computer is a subset of the set of privileged instructions.”
— The first of three theorems developed by UCLA’s Gerald Popek and Honeywell’s Robert Goldberg to determine whether virtualization was possible on a particular system architecture. Their Communications of the ACM piece, dating to 1974, proved to be something of a Moore’s Law for virtualization in the decades afterward, a dividing line to prove what was possible. The x86 line of processors, with its CISC-y nature, violated many of the basic tenets of these theorems.
VMware Workstation, running a version of the BeOS-inspired operating system Haiku. This is sort of the traditional nerd use case for a virtual machine. (John Drinkwater/Flickr)
Why nobody thought x86 could do something as technically impressive as virtualization
In the 1970s, during the era of the mainframe, a concept came to light that seemed to speak to a future where software and hardware lived hand in hand: The hypervisor. A term coined by IBM that also stands for “virtual machine monitor,” it represented the idea of splitting up a computer into multiple parts that were theoretically separated from one another.
(Why “hypervisor”? Easy. The concept is essentially a reference to the supervisor above the supervisor. What, did you think it was something more futuristic than that?)
What might that look like? A 1971 article by IBM employee Gary Allred lays it out:
The Hypervisor concept was relatively simple. It consisted of an addendum to the emulator program and a hardware modification on a Model 65 having a compatibility feature. The hardware modification divided the Model 65 into two partitions, each addressable from 0-n. The program addendum, having overlaid the system Program Status Words (PSW) with its own, became the interrupt handler for the entire system. After determining which partition had initiated the event causing the interrupt, control was transferred accordingly. The Hypervisor required dedicated I/O devices for each partition and, because of this, the I/O configurations were usually quite large, and, therefore, prohibitive to the majority of users.
So, unlike a modern virtual machine, it was effectively running two machines completely separated from one another, as if they weren’t connected.
During the mainframe era, a use case like this made sense, especially given that a System/360 Model 65 was about the size of a vending machine.
But as we all know, computers kept getting smaller and smaller from there. First, bigger than a bread box, then smaller than a bread box, then about the size of a loaf of bread, and now about the size of bread. (Basically the bread box metaphor has been utterly destroyed by the smartphone.)
For a time, smaller computers meant smaller computing capabilities, no matter how fast the processors got. But that wasn’t necessarily the only factor at play.
It may look like a square wafer, but it’s really a series or rings. (e-coli/Flickr)
Going back to our knowledge of RISC and CISC processors, we know that x86 processors made by Intel and AMD tended to have a lot of instructions, which made processors overly complex. This turned out to be a problem when it came to Gerald Popek and Robert Goldberg’s set of theorems. Intel had designed the x86 chipset to run software with different levels of privilege, set up in a series of “rings,” with the goal of limiting the attack surface of the kernel.
This is good for having a secure system, but less good if your goal is to run a copy of Linux inside a copy of Windows 2000. And because the structure of this system limited access to the number of commands software could have access to, it meant you couldn’t virtualize it in quite the same way as IBM virtualized the System/360.
Sure, it was technically possible to emulate a Linux machine on a Windows 2000 machine, but that introduced a lot of overhead. You were recreating hardware in software—likely the very same hardware that the system already had. This didn’t make any dang sense.
Intel wasn’t alone on this front—it was really a problem with every major platform of the time, casting a broad net—but given how broadly used it was, Intel was the poster child. The x86 processor set violated the Popek-Goldberg theorems in more than a dozen distinct ways, which seemed like it might just make VMs infeasible with the infrastructure the world currently worked on.
A drawing from the patent filing for dynamic recompilation filed by Apple employee Eric Traut in the mid-1990s. Traut figured out how to make old Mac apps not suck on PowerPC. (Google Patents)
There were some emerging suggestions it didn’t have to be this way, though. On the Mac side of things, Apple had pulled off something of a magic trick with its transition from 68000 to PowerPC by making a translation layer that more or less ran old code natively. At first, Apple used emulation, but later switched over to something called dynamic recompilation. (This technique was developed by Apple employee Eric Traut, who later worked on the famed PlayStation emulator Connectix Virtual Game Station.) Put another way, the system was reprogramming the vintage code for MacOS to run in real time. It was so good that even in later PowerPC versions of the classic MacOS, much of the software was emulated 68k code. They didn’t need to update it, because it just worked.
Meanwhile, the Java programming language helped to popularize the concept of just-in-time compilation, which made it possible for a program to execute on a machine in real time without necessarily being tethered to its architecture. (Much of the discussion around VMs in computing magazines in the mid-’90s was focused on Java, partly for this reason.)
JIT is arguably one of the most important techniques in modern programming—your web browser uses it heavily to speed up its use of JavasScript—and a key element of what makes modern virtualization tick.
JIT proved that it was possible to translate applications in real time. But translating entire operating systems? The x86 was too broken to allow for anything like that.
The result was that the hypervisor, a somewhat forgotten remnant of the mainframe that had yet to overcome the Popek-Goldberg theorems that sidelined modern computers, had yet to make its big return to the mainstream. But a computer science experiment run on a top-of-the-line SGI Origin 2000 server was about to change all that.
If you find weird or unusual topics like this super-fascinating, the best way to tell us is to give us a nod on Ko-Fi. It helps ensure that we can keep this machine moving, support outside writers, and bring on the tools to support our writing. (Also it’s heartening when someone chips in.)
Thanks to the VM that Zork uses, you could play this on an iPhone just as you can on a Kaypro II. (Wikimedia Commons)
Five facts about virtualization you probably didn’t know
The command-line success of Zork was enabled by virtualization. Infocom, the makers of the Zork series, developed a lightweight VM called Z-machine that effectively made the popular game easier to port to different devices. (This was an important strategy during this era, when computers were highly incompatible.) Rather than reprogramming the whole game on a new computer, the company developed a new compiler for each distinct system.
One of the most popular game emulators is really a VM.ScummVM, a popular tool for running games developed with the LucasArts-built game engine SCUMM, works very similarly to Z-machine, albeit with far more modernized components and an attempt to compile all those games in a reasonably modern language. It often gets mistaken for an emulator despite the fact that VM is right in the name.
Hardware virtualization existed on the 386. While not quite the same thing as the hardware virtualization we use today, x86 processors starting with the 386 included a “virtual 8086 mode,” which made it possible for 386 processors to run legacy 8086 software in a specialized mode. Applications like Desqview and Windows 3.1 took advantage of this to offer multitasking to users. This was removed for x64 processors, then brought back when Intel and AMD released their versions of hardware-level virtualization.
You can run a GPU through a virtual machine. Linux’s kernel-based virtual machine, or KVM, technique is something of a very advanced derivative of the 1970s IBM System/360 approach, making it possible to run a VM that can directly access external hardware. That includes very high-end GPUs, which get passed through. (I used it to make a Hackintosh one time.)
Virtualization is a key technique for modernizing legacy embedded systems. It’s kind of hard to take something like an airplane and put it out of service just because the software it uses is old. But what is more possible is replacing the old hardware, which can be hard to repair, with more modern or modular components, but virtualizing the software on those newer systems. It’s a technique common in aircraft and similarly difficult-to-replace industrial and aerospace equipment.
2006
The year that Amazon first released its Elastic Compute Cloud (EC2) platform, which is arguably one of the most fundamental building blocks of modern cloud computing. While it didn’t use VMware’s technology, it reflected the way that VMware ultimately reshaped the computing landscape, it initially used the Xen hypervisor, which gained its superpowers thanks to virtualization hardware support. (Intel and AMD likely added that support to their processors largely in response to VMware.)
An example of an SGI Origin 2000, like the one the founders of VMware used at Stanford. (Wikimedia Commons)
Disco ball: The SGI-driven experiments that gave us VMware
If Backrub—the foundation of Google—was the most important research experiment happening at Stanford University in the mid-1990s, Disco—the foundation of VMware—was very much the second-most-important.
Built by PhD students Edouard Bugnion, Scott Devine, and faculty advisor Mendel Rosenblum, Disco was an attempt to solve the challenges that prevented virtual machines from living up to their full potential. In Disco: Running Commodity Operating Systems on Scalable Multiprocessors, their research paper on this work, the team spoke of sharing resources between with the host computer. From the 1997 paper:
Disco contains many features that reduce or eliminate the problems associated with traditional virtual machine monitors. Specifically, it minimizes the overhead of virtual machines and enhances the resource sharing between virtual machines running on the same system. Disco allows the operating systems running on different virtual machines to be coupled using standard distributed systems protocols such as NFS and TCP/IP. It also allows for efficient sharing of memory and disk resources between virtual machines. The sharing support allows Disco to maintain a global buffer cache transparently shared by all the virtual machines, even when the virtual machines communicate through standard distributed protocols.
That’s a big shift from requiring dedicated hardware for each separate machine as used in the System/360 days. But computing had the benefit of experiences like remote desktops and emulators like SoftWindows and VirtualPC to show that we could virtualize the context and reuse the components.
The HTML version of the paper, as immortalized on the Internet Archive.
A little more about the Disco experiment: It’s rooted in Rosenblum’s work on something called SimOS, a prior initiative which Rosenblum and other researchers built on IRIX to experiment with completely simulating a computing environment through software alone. It was a project designed to help the university design a processor of its own, Flash, but it proved key to building a virtual machine and a thin OS layer, called SlimOS, to manage everything.
(Why Silicon Graphics? At the time, multi-core computer processors were fairly rare, and the SGI Origin 2000 was one of the few options on the market that could handle such a task. It likely gave them enough additional headroom to do more extreme testing.)
The discovery that using a hypervisor in combination with just-in-time compilation caused only a very small performance decline was a huge deal. It was arguably the basis of VMware’s whole business.
And the testing proved the model. The overhead was fairly modest given the performance, which meant that it would theoretically be possible to use hypervisors to split up a machine into multiple pieces, each of which controlled a different process.
And, famous last words, the paper ends like this:
This return to virtual machine monitors is driven by a current trend in computer systems. While operating systems and application programs continue to grow in size and complexity, the ma-chine-level interface has remained fairly simple. Software written to operate at this level remains simple, yet provides the necessary compatibility to leverage the large existing body of operating systems and application programs. We are interested in further exploring the use of virtual machine monitors as a way of dealing with the increasing complexity of modem computer systems.
The paper created waves. Within a year of its creation, Bugnion, Devine, and Rosenblum would become three cofounders of VMware. Rosenblum’s wife Diane Greene, an engineer who at one point worked at SGI, would become the fourth.
Just two years after the paper’s release, VMware hit the ground running: After a year in stealth mode, VMware Workstation, a Disco adaptation for Windows and Linux, made a huge splash at the start of 1999. (One early InfoWorld article featured a quote from a skeptical IT advisor. Little did they know that it would come to dominate their lives.)
Decades later, the researchers created a follow-up paper explaining their process for developing the original version of VMware workstation. The paper, which came years after the founders had left the company, explained that the x86’s convoluted instruction set and the diverse peripheral ecosystem created significant added complexities. (Yes, they knew that the theorems would make what they were trying to do difficult.)
But so too, did the operating systems, which they had to implement one at a time. Linux was easy. Windows was hard. OS/2 was impossible.
As the authors wrote, IBM’s failed attempt to compete with Microsoft was just too proprietary to be feasible:
Although our VMM did not depend on any internal semantics or interfaces of its guest operating systems, it depended heavily on understanding the ways they configured the hardware. Case-in-point: we considered supporting OS/2, a legacy operating system from IBM. However, OS/2 made extensive use of many features of the x86 architecture that we never encountered with other guest operating systems. Furthermore, the way in which these features were used made it particularly hard to virtualize. Ultimately, although we invested a significant amount of time in OS/2-specific optimizations, we ended up abandoning the effort.
All that work to develop hardware drivers and manage edge cases—and even create some fake virtual hardware that only existed in software—took time, but it paid off in a big way. The self-funded company quickly found itself making $5 million in a matter of months.
A user dives into the first version of VMware Workstation.
The software, at first, went relatively mainstream, given what it was. In a 1999 profile with USA Today, Greene (the company’s CEO) noted that the company was getting email from Buddhist monks who were fighting with one another over whether to run Linux on their computer or Windows. VMware allowed them to split the difference.
“When we first put together the business plan for VMware in 1998, we never thought Buddhist monks in Thailand would be part of our customer base,” Greene told the newspaper. “But it’s certainly intriguing to be this global.”
Of course, monks were only the start of it—if you follow VMware today, you are likely aware that Workstation is only a very small part of what that company became. VMs were highly usable in thousands of ways, as a mechanism for security and upkeep. (Want to put your custom intranet app on thousands of employee phones while still keeping it separate from those phones? Put it in a VM!)
Within a decade, Greene and Rosenblum had taken the company public, then sold it for more than $600 million. Two decades later, after a series of mergers and spinouts, it sold for a hundred times that. (More on that merger in a second.)
And this was largely before we had any of the niceties of the modern VM experience—or before VMware had much in the way of competition. Intel and AMD had not included native virtualization hardware on their chipsets until the mid-2000s. Meanwhile, Microsoft had to settle for acquiring Connectix, the only real competitor in the virtualization space, in 2003.
Parallels, the most popular virtualization app on the Mac, didn’t emerge until 2006, while open-source virtualization standbys like Xen, QEMU, VirtualBox, and Proxmox didn’t start making themselves known until the mid-2000s.
Put another way, VMware had a multi-year head start to dominate the world of virtualization. And in many ways, that reflects why the company has been such a key part of the enterprise for so long.
I imagine this is kind of a spicy take, but I think VMware’s success probably played a factor in x86 sticking around, despite Intel attempting to build a new generation of chip on a different architecture, called Itanium. Intel spent billions of dollars trying to make fetch happen, only for one company to awkwardly “fetch” it: Hewlett-Packard.
After all, VMware essentially proved that with an innovative use of hypervisors, you could work around the pain points that made x86 a weak option for virtualization—and it didn’t even have to break Intel’s security model to do so! If the existing x86 architecture was this capable, why switch?
VMware’s big innovation might have been born on an SGI computer, but it really proved a saving grace for Moore’s law.
2011
The year that Diebold, a major manufacturer of ATMs (and yes, voting machines), announced “the world’s first virtualized ATM.” It was a prototype that ultimately separated the software of an ATM, which can be quite difficult to update in the field, from the hardware. The concept, developed with VMware, points at the way that VMs made embedded systems, especially based on outdated software, easier to manage. These days, we don’t necessarily run our ATMs on VMs, but the technique is highly popular for testing ATM software.
It’s worth noting that VMware, despite its fundamental role in modern tech as a pivotal enterprise firm that literally created an entire product category, has seen better days. Over the last couple of years, it was acquired by Broadcom, a company that has aggressively reset the model to maximize profitability and move away from one-time licenses.
The transition marked a seismic shift in enterprise IT. Sure, generative AI has caused its fair share of disruption, but the technology has yet to scale. The acquisition of VMware, however, and the ensuing licensing changes has threatened to upend core infrastructure, disrupt critical business processes and wreak havoc on spending.
And just this past week, a very high-profile zero-day security exploit involving its EXSi software package was exploited in the wild.
VMware’s founders left nearly two decades ago, and upon Dell’s 2016 acquisition of the company, the entire team that worked on the flagship Workstation product was fired. (Which, honestly, suggests that Workstation isn’t where the real money is.)
Options for virtualization and separation of concerns abound. Whole empires have been made around tools like QEMU, and software like Docker and Podman have helped to make virtualized tools a part of many workflows.
Recently, Broadcam began to offer VMware Workstation, the program that started it all, for free. Broadcom’s messaging has been all over the place—previously, the company removed free versions of the software. But at a time when you can virtualize operating systems on modern hardware in a couple dozen ways, Workstation (and its Mac counterpart, Fusion) are no longer groundbreaking.
Yes, VMware broke the ground, but many companies built on that foundation, and our modern digital economy is built on nesting dolls of virtual machines. Broadcom might as well turn the iconic tool, the one allowed monks to share a computer and Fortune 500 companies to modernize their aging hardware stacks, into a loss-leader.
VMware got acquired for over $60 billion for a reason. It reflects the inherent value of its original idea: We are better off with a few computers that run many machines simultaneously than many computers that only run a handful of tools.
But perhaps what the computing industry didn't anticipate was that virtualization just raised demand for computers in general.
How the virtual machine, a foundational element of cloud computing, found its modern footing after a couple of scientists proved a couple of theorems wrong.
Today in Tedium: Is there a technology that is more taken for granted in modern computing than virtualization? It’s an essential part of so many parts of modern computing, including cloud infrastructure. One could draw a straight line between virtual machines, which found their footing on x86 at the turn of the 21st century, and the myriad server farms that pepper the landscape today. But it’s worth keeping in mind that it wasn’t a guarantee that this would ever happen. Intel had all but written off this concept from the server world—and seemed primed to move to a new generation of hardware that might have gotten them there. But a startup not only proved that virtualization was possible, but likely opened up a cloud-forward economy that didn’t previously exist. (It might have been a rare time when hardware was playing catch-up to software.) Today’s Tedium talks about everyone’s favorite concept, virtualization. — Ernie @ Tedium
“For any conventional third generation computer, a virtual machine monitor may be constructed if the set of sensitive instructions for that computer is a subset of the set of privileged instructions.”
— The first of three theorems developed by UCLA’s Gerald Popek and Honeywell’s Robert Goldberg to determine whether virtualization was possible on a particular system architecture. Their Communications of the ACM piece, dating to 1974, proved to be something of a Moore’s Law for virtualization in the decades afterward, a dividing line to prove what was possible. The x86 line of processors, with its CISC-y nature, violated many of the basic tenets of these theorems.
VMware Workstation, running a version of the BeOS-inspired operating system Haiku. This is sort of the traditional nerd use case for a virtual machine. (John Drinkwater/Flickr)
Why nobody thought x86 could do something as technically impressive as virtualization
In the 1970s, during the era of the mainframe, a concept came to light that seemed to speak to a future where software and hardware lived hand in hand: The hypervisor. A term coined by IBM that also stands for “virtual machine monitor,” it represented the idea of splitting up a computer into multiple parts that were theoretically separated from one another.
(Why “hypervisor”? Easy. The concept is essentially a reference to the supervisor above the supervisor. What, did you think it was something more futuristic than that?)
What might that look like? A 1971 article by IBM employee Gary Allred lays it out:
The Hypervisor concept was relatively simple. It consisted of an addendum to the emulator program and a hardware modification on a Model 65 having a compatibility feature. The hardware modification divided the Model 65 into two partitions, each addressable from 0-n. The program addendum, having overlaid the system Program Status Words (PSW) with its own, became the interrupt handler for the entire system. After determining which partition had initiated the event causing the interrupt, control was transferred accordingly. The Hypervisor required dedicated I/O devices for each partition and, because of this, the I/O configurations were usually quite large, and, therefore, prohibitive to the majority of users.
So, unlike a modern virtual machine, it was effectively running two machines completely separated from one another, as if they weren’t connected.
During the mainframe era, a use case like this made sense, especially given that a System/360 Model 65 was about the size of a vending machine.
But as we all know, computers kept getting smaller and smaller from there. First, bigger than a bread box, then smaller than a bread box, then about the size of a loaf of bread, and now about the size of bread. (Basically the bread box metaphor has been utterly destroyed by the smartphone.)
For a time, smaller computers meant smaller computing capabilities, no matter how fast the processors got. But that wasn’t necessarily the only factor at play.
It may look like a square wafer, but it’s really a series or rings. (e-coli/Flickr)
Going back to our knowledge of RISC and CISC processors, we know that x86 processors made by Intel and AMD tended to have a lot of instructions, which made processors overly complex. This turned out to be a problem when it came to Gerald Popek and Robert Goldberg’s set of theorems. Intel had designed the x86 chipset to run software with different levels of privilege, set up in a series of “rings,” with the goal of limiting the attack surface of the kernel.
This is good for having a secure system, but less good if your goal is to run a copy of Linux inside a copy of Windows 2000. And because the structure of this system limited access to the number of commands software could have access to, it meant you couldn’t virtualize it in quite the same way as IBM virtualized the System/360.
Sure, it was technically possible to emulate a Linux machine on a Windows 2000 machine, but that introduced a lot of overhead. You were recreating hardware in software—likely the very same hardware that the system already had. This didn’t make any dang sense.
Intel wasn’t alone on this front—it was really a problem with every major platform of the time, casting a broad net—but given how broadly used it was, Intel was the poster child. The x86 processor set violated the Popek-Goldberg theorems in more than a dozen distinct ways, which seemed like it might just make VMs infeasible with the infrastructure the world currently worked on.
A drawing from the patent filing for dynamic recompilation filed by Apple employee Eric Traut in the mid-1990s. Traut figured out how to make old Mac apps not suck on PowerPC. (Google Patents)
There were some emerging suggestions it didn’t have to be this way, though. On the Mac side of things, Apple had pulled off something of a magic trick with its transition from 68000 to PowerPC by making a translation layer that more or less ran old code natively. At first, Apple used emulation, but later switched over to something called dynamic recompilation. (This technique was developed by Apple employee Eric Traut, who later worked on the famed PlayStation emulator Connectix Virtual Game Station.) Put another way, the system was reprogramming the vintage code for MacOS to run in real time. It was so good that even in later PowerPC versions of the classic MacOS, much of the software was emulated 68k code. They didn’t need to update it, because it just worked.
Meanwhile, the Java programming language helped to popularize the concept of just-in-time compilation, which made it possible for a program to execute on a machine in real time without necessarily being tethered to its architecture. (Much of the discussion around VMs in computing magazines in the mid-’90s was focused on Java, partly for this reason.)
JIT is arguably one of the most important techniques in modern programming—your web browser uses it heavily to speed up its use of JavasScript—and a key element of what makes modern virtualization tick.
JIT proved that it was possible to translate applications in real time. But translating entire operating systems? The x86 was too broken to allow for anything like that.
The result was that the hypervisor, a somewhat forgotten remnant of the mainframe that had yet to overcome the Popek-Goldberg theorems that sidelined modern computers, had yet to make its big return to the mainstream. But a computer science experiment run on a top-of-the-line SGI Origin 2000 server was about to change all that.
If you find weird or unusual topics like this super-fascinating, the best way to tell us is to give us a nod on Ko-Fi. It helps ensure that we can keep this machine moving, support outside writers, and bring on the tools to support our writing. (Also it’s heartening when someone chips in.)
Thanks to the VM that Zork uses, you could play this on an iPhone just as you can on a Kaypro II. (Wikimedia Commons)
Five facts about virtualization you probably didn’t know
The command-line success of Zork was enabled by virtualization. Infocom, the makers of the Zork series, developed a lightweight VM called Z-machine that effectively made the popular game easier to port to different devices. (This was an important strategy during this era, when computers were highly incompatible.) Rather than reprogramming the whole game on a new computer, the company developed a new compiler for each distinct system.
One of the most popular game emulators is really a VM.ScummVM, a popular tool for running games developed with the LucasArts-built game engine SCUMM, works very similarly to Z-machine, albeit with far more modernized components and an attempt to compile all those games in a reasonably modern language. It often gets mistaken for an emulator despite the fact that VM is right in the name.
Hardware virtualization existed on the 386. While not quite the same thing as the hardware virtualization we use today, x86 processors starting with the 386 included a “virtual 8086 mode,” which made it possible for 386 processors to run legacy 8086 software in a specialized mode. Applications like Desqview and Windows 3.1 took advantage of this to offer multitasking to users. This was removed for x64 processors, then brought back when Intel and AMD released their versions of hardware-level virtualization.
You can run a GPU through a virtual machine. Linux’s kernel-based virtual machine, or KVM, technique is something of a very advanced derivative of the 1970s IBM System/360 approach, making it possible to run a VM that can directly access external hardware. That includes very high-end GPUs, which get passed through. (I used it to make a Hackintosh one time.)
Virtualization is a key technique for modernizing legacy embedded systems. It’s kind of hard to take something like an airplane and put it out of service just because the software it uses is old. But what is more possible is replacing the old hardware, which can be hard to repair, with more modern or modular components, but virtualizing the software on those newer systems. It’s a technique common in aircraft and similarly difficult-to-replace industrial and aerospace equipment.
2006
The year that Amazon first released its Elastic Compute Cloud (EC2) platform, which is arguably one of the most fundamental building blocks of modern cloud computing. While it didn’t use VMware’s technology, it reflected the way that VMware ultimately reshaped the computing landscape, it initially used the Xen hypervisor, which gained its superpowers thanks to virtualization hardware support. (Intel and AMD likely added that support to their processors largely in response to VMware.)
An example of an SGI Origin 2000, like the one the founders of VMware used at Stanford. (Wikimedia Commons)
Disco ball: The SGI-driven experiments that gave us VMware
If Backrub—the foundation of Google—was the most important research experiment happening at Stanford University in the mid-1990s, Disco—the foundation of VMware—was very much the second-most-important.
Built by PhD students Edouard Bugnion, Scott Devine, and faculty advisor Mendel Rosenblum, Disco was an attempt to solve the challenges that prevented virtual machines from living up to their full potential. In Disco: Running Commodity Operating Systems on Scalable Multiprocessors, their research paper on this work, the team spoke of sharing resources between with the host computer. From the 1997 paper:
Disco contains many features that reduce or eliminate the problems associated with traditional virtual machine monitors. Specifically, it minimizes the overhead of virtual machines and enhances the resource sharing between virtual machines running on the same system. Disco allows the operating systems running on different virtual machines to be coupled using standard distributed systems protocols such as NFS and TCP/IP. It also allows for efficient sharing of memory and disk resources between virtual machines. The sharing support allows Disco to maintain a global buffer cache transparently shared by all the virtual machines, even when the virtual machines communicate through standard distributed protocols.
That’s a big shift from requiring dedicated hardware for each separate machine as used in the System/360 days. But computing had the benefit of experiences like remote desktops and emulators like SoftWindows and VirtualPC to show that we could virtualize the context and reuse the components.
The HTML version of the paper, as immortalized on the Internet Archive.
A little more about the Disco experiment: It’s rooted in Rosenblum’s work on something called SimOS, a prior initiative which Rosenblum and other researchers built on IRIX to experiment with completely simulating a computing environment through software alone. It was a project designed to help the university design a processor of its own, Flash, but it proved key to building a virtual machine and a thin OS layer, called SlimOS, to manage everything.
(Why Silicon Graphics? At the time, multi-core computer processors were fairly rare, and the SGI Origin 2000 was one of the few options on the market that could handle such a task. It likely gave them enough additional headroom to do more extreme testing.)
The discovery that using a hypervisor in combination with just-in-time compilation caused only a very small performance decline was a huge deal. It was arguably the basis of VMware’s whole business.
And the testing proved the model. The overhead was fairly modest given the performance, which meant that it would theoretically be possible to use hypervisors to split up a machine into multiple pieces, each of which controlled a different process.
And, famous last words, the paper ends like this:
This return to virtual machine monitors is driven by a current trend in computer systems. While operating systems and application programs continue to grow in size and complexity, the ma-chine-level interface has remained fairly simple. Software written to operate at this level remains simple, yet provides the necessary compatibility to leverage the large existing body of operating systems and application programs. We are interested in further exploring the use of virtual machine monitors as a way of dealing with the increasing complexity of modem computer systems.
The paper created waves. Within a year of its creation, Bugnion, Devine, and Rosenblum would become three cofounders of VMware. Rosenblum’s wife Diane Greene, an engineer who at one point worked at SGI, would become the fourth.
Just two years after the paper’s release, VMware hit the ground running: After a year in stealth mode, VMware Workstation, a Disco adaptation for Windows and Linux, made a huge splash at the start of 1999. (One early InfoWorld article featured a quote from a skeptical IT advisor. Little did they know that it would come to dominate their lives.)
Decades later, the researchers created a follow-up paper explaining their process for developing the original version of VMware workstation. The paper, which came years after the founders had left the company, explained that the x86’s convoluted instruction set and the diverse peripheral ecosystem created significant added complexities. (Yes, they knew that the theorems would make what they were trying to do difficult.)
But so too, did the operating systems, which they had to implement one at a time. Linux was easy. Windows was hard. OS/2 was impossible.
As the authors wrote, IBM’s failed attempt to compete with Microsoft was just too proprietary to be feasible:
Although our VMM did not depend on any internal semantics or interfaces of its guest operating systems, it depended heavily on understanding the ways they configured the hardware. Case-in-point: we considered supporting OS/2, a legacy operating system from IBM. However, OS/2 made extensive use of many features of the x86 architecture that we never encountered with other guest operating systems. Furthermore, the way in which these features were used made it particularly hard to virtualize. Ultimately, although we invested a significant amount of time in OS/2-specific optimizations, we ended up abandoning the effort.
All that work to develop hardware drivers and manage edge cases—and even create some fake virtual hardware that only existed in software—took time, but it paid off in a big way. The self-funded company quickly found itself making $5 million in a matter of months.
A user dives into the first version of VMware Workstation.
The software, at first, went relatively mainstream, given what it was. In a 1999 profile with USA Today, Greene (the company’s CEO) noted that the company was getting email from Buddhist monks who were fighting with one another over whether to run Linux on their computer or Windows. VMware allowed them to split the difference.
“When we first put together the business plan for VMware in 1998, we never thought Buddhist monks in Thailand would be part of our customer base,” Greene told the newspaper. “But it’s certainly intriguing to be this global.”
Of course, monks were only the start of it—if you follow VMware today, you are likely aware that Workstation is only a very small part of what that company became. VMs were highly usable in thousands of ways, as a mechanism for security and upkeep. (Want to put your custom intranet app on thousands of employee phones while still keeping it separate from those phones? Put it in a VM!)
Within a decade, Greene and Rosenblum had taken the company public, then sold it for more than $600 million. Two decades later, after a series of mergers and spinouts, it sold for a thousand times that. (More on that merger in a second.)
And this was largely before we had any of the niceties of the modern VM experience—or before VMware had much in the way of competition. Intel and AMD had not included native virtualization hardware on their chipsets until the mid-2000s. Meanwhile, Microsoft had to settle for acquiring Connectix, the only real competitor in the virtualization space, in 2003.
Parallels, the most popular virtualization app on the Mac, didn’t emerge until 2006, while open-source virtualization standbys like Xen, QEMU, VirtualBox, and Proxmox didn’t start making themselves known until the mid-2000s.
Put another way, VMware had a multi-year head start to dominate the world of virtualization. And in many ways, that reflects why the company has been such a key part of the enterprise for so long.
I imagine this is kind of a spicy take, but I think VMware’s success probably played a factor in x86 sticking around, despite Intel attempting to build a new generation of chip on a different architecture, called Itanium. Intel spent billions of dollars trying to make fetch happen, only for one company to awkwardly “fetch” it: Hewlett-Packard.
After all, VMware essentially proved that with an innovative use of hypervisors, you could work around the pain points that made x86 a weak option for virtualization—and it didn’t even have to break Intel’s security model to do so! If the existing x86 architecture was this capable, why switch?
VMware’s big innovation might have been born on an SGI computer, but it really proved a saving grace for Moore’s law.
2011
The year that Diebold, a major manufacturer of ATMs (and yes, voting machines), announced “the world’s first virtualized ATM.” It was a prototype that ultimately separated the software of an ATM, which can be quite difficult to update in the field, from the hardware. The concept, developed with VMware, points at the way that VMs made embedded systems, especially based on outdated software, easier to manage. These days, we don’t necessarily run our ATMs on VMs, but the technique is highly popular for testing ATM software.
It’s worth noting that VMware, despite its fundamental role in modern tech as a pivotal enterprise firm that literally created an entire product category, has seen better days. Over the last couple of years, it was acquired by Broadcom, a company that has aggressively reset the model to maximize profitability and move away from one-time licenses.
The transition marked a seismic shift in enterprise IT. Sure, generative AI has caused its fair share of disruption, but the technology has yet to scale. The acquisition of VMware, however, and the ensuing licensing changes has threatened to upend core infrastructure, disrupt critical business processes and wreak havoc on spending.
And just this past week, a very high-profile zero-day security exploit involving its EXSi software package was exploited in the wild.
VMware’s founders left nearly two decades ago, and upon Dell’s 2016 acquisition of the company, the entire team that worked on the flagship Workstation product was fired. (Which, honestly, suggests that Workstation isn’t where the real money is.)
Options for virtualization and separation of concerns abound. Whole empires have been made around tools like QEMU, and software like Docker and Podman have helped to make virtualized tools a part of many workflows.
Recently, Broadcam began to offer VMware Workstation, the program that started it all, for free. Broadcom’s messaging has been all over the place—previously, the company removed free versions of the software. But at a time when you can virtualize operating systems on modern hardware in a couple dozen ways, Workstation (and its Mac counterpart, Fusion) are no longer groundbreaking.
Yes, VMware broke the ground, but many companies built on that foundation, and our modern digital economy is built on nesting dolls of virtual machines. Broadcom might as well turn the iconic tool, the one allowed monks to share a computer and Fortune 500 companies to modernize their aging hardware stacks, into a loss-leader.
VMware got acquired for over $60 billion for a reason. It reflects the inherent value of its original idea: We are better off with a few computers that run many machines simultaneously than many computers that only run a handful of tools.
But perhaps what the computing industry didn't anticipate was that virtualization just raised demand for computers in general.
In this Weekend Snapshot, we catch up with folks from our community as they pedal around scenic corners of Denmark, Mexico, and the United States. See the latest reader-submitted scenes and share something from one of your recent excursions here...
In "The Hard Truth About Cycling in 2025," Silca CEO Josh Poertner reviews last year through the lens of the successes and changes in and around the company. For more on his year in review, check out the full video below...
With no fixed route or sense of urgency, Belén Castelló’s latest bikepacking getaway connected the Canary Islands of Lanzarote, La Graciosa, and Fuerteventura. Her new video captures two weeks of pedaling with a new friend, complete with many ocean swims, stunning campsites, local delicacies, and living in the present moment. Watch it here...
Designed around big 29-inch tires, a steel frame, and a rigid fork, the new Stooge MK8 is founder and designer Andy Stevenson’s take on the ultimate rigid mountain bike. Pre-orders are now open for the latest version, which includes a new fork and three color options. Learn more here...
Having participated in the Atlas Mountain Race and seen Morocco go by in a hazy, exhausted blur, Valerio Stuart returned to the country over the winter to experience it at a gentler pace. Read on to find his story of giving himself permission to slow down, soak in half-seen views, stop for missed conversations, and linger over cups of tea, all while finding plenty of excitement and adventure…
In "Atlantis 2: The Tourist's Classic," Ronnie Romance walks us through his latest customer build. Featuring a custom-painted Rivendell Atlantis with a host of cool, vintage parts, you won't want to miss this build video...
When another company recently introduced their TPU tubes, they offered three models. With two carefully chosen widths, they cover 700C tires between 24 and 64 mm wide, with no overlap. For their narrower tubes, they offer two valve lengths; for their wider tubes, only one. From a production and warehousing perspective, that’s the way to do it.
So why do we offer no fewer than fifteen TPU tubes? Well, we’re the first to admit, we often let our hearts and desires overrule the strict business necessities.
We’re offering our tubes in three widths. We cover a bit more of the tire spectrum—from 20 to 68 mm wide—but that’s not the reason. Rather than stretching the tubes to the limit, there is some overlap between the tube models. If your 43 mm tires balloon to 45 mm on ultra-wide rims, your tubes won’t rupture because they’ve been stretched too far. And if your 44 mm tires don’t quite reach their ‘nominal’ size on narrow rims, there won’t be folds in your tubes when you inflate them. This just avoids frustrations and makes installation easier.
As a plus, our road bike tubes are ultralight at just 32 g—without compromising reliability with ultra-thin walls. That’s because they’re sized for tires up to 32 mm wide. (That’s also why they go down to 20 mm, even though hardly anybody is running tires that narrow these days.) If you’re running 28, 30 or 32 mm tires, you get tubes that are lighter, faster and easier to install. (There are some drawbacks to using the same tube all the way up to 43 mm tires.) This just makes sense to us.
We’re also offering three valves: polished and black 50 mm valves, plus black 70 mm valves. We could eliminate the polished valves, but they just look so much better on bikes with silver rims.
Our TPU tubes come in sizes for 700C wheels as well as 650B / 26″. These days, 700C is definitely the more common size, but we’ve long championed smaller wheels. Not offering tubes for those bikes would not be right.
We knew from the beginning that there wouldn’t be much demand for ultra-wide 650B tubes with 70 mm valves. But there are bikes, like Natsuko’s new Rene Herse x OPEN, that need those tubes. And that’s our problem: Rather than asking: “Does this make business sense?” we usually ask: “Do we—or other cyclists—need this part?” And more often than not, the answer is yes.
Our bike shop partners also appreciate that we offer so many options. Nobody expects them to stock the entire program. Instead, they choose the models that make sense for their customers. Above is the tire and tube rack at Cascade Bicycle Studio, one of Seattle’s best shops for custom bikes. They carry a carefully curated selection based on the needs of their customers.
We may not get rich doing things this way, but for us it’s more important that we—and our customers—have the parts we all need to enjoy our bikes more. That’s why we started making tires and components in the first place, and we’re not about to change that.
Everyone's favorite silicone grips are now offered in a rich green hue, and we can't wait to see them pop up on some builds. Find out how to get a pair of the new Forest Green ESI Grips here...
This week’s Debrief features a new Surly Preamble color, more Fabio's Chests, a printed preview of The Bikepacking Journal 15, a fresh valve standard, a Rodeo Labs prototype, an event to follow live, and more. Find it all here…